History of Tabari - Volume 10

The

History of al-Tabari

VOLUME X

TRANSLATED BY FRED M DONNER

The Conquest of Arabia
Volume X

Translated by Fred M. Donner

Volume X of al-Tabari's massive chronicle is devoted to two main
subjects. The first is the selection of Abu Bakr as the first caliph or
successor to the Prophet Muhammad following the Prophet's death in
632 C.E. This section of the History reveals some of the inner
divisions that existed within the early Muslim community and sheds
light on the interests and motivations of various parties in the debates
that led up to Abu Bakr's acclamation as caliph.

The second main subject of Volume X is the riddah or "apostasy"
— actually a series of rebellions against Muslim domination by various
tribes in Arabia that wished to break their ties with Medina following
the Prophet's death. The History offers one of the more extensive
collections of accounts about this early sequence of events to be found
in the Arabic historical literature. It provides richly detailed in¬
formation on the rebellions themselves and on the efforts made by
Abu Bakr and his Muslim supporters to quell them. It also tells us
much about relationships among the tribes of Arabia, local
topography, military practice, and the key personnel, organization,
and structure of the early Islamic state.

The successful suppression of the riddah marked the transformation
of the Muslim state from a small faith community of importance only
in West Arabia to a much more powerful political entity, embracing all
of the Arabian peninsula and poised to unleash a wave of conquests
that would shortly engulf the entire Near East and North Africa. The
riddah era is, thus, crucial to understanding the eventual appearance of
Islam as a major actor on the stage of world history.

SUN Y Serin in Near Eastern Studies
Said Amir Arjotnand. Editor

SUNY

PRESS

State University of
New York Press

www.sunypress.edu

ISBN 0-7e114-1072-c2
llll Illllllllllllllll! Illlll! 9 o o o o>

THE HISTORY OF AL-TABARI

AN ANNOTATED TRANSLATION

VOLUME X

The Conquest of Arabia
The Riddah Wars
A. D. 63 2-63 3 /a. H. II

The History of al-Tabari
Editorial Board

Ihsan Abbas, University of Jordan, Amman
C. E. Bosworth, The University of Manchester
Franz Rosenthal, Yale University
Everett K. Rowson, The University of Pennsylvania
Ehsan Yar-Shater, Columbia University (General Editor )

Estelle Whelan, Editorial Coordinator

Center for Iranian Studies
Columbia University

SUNY

SERIES IN NEAR EASTERN STUDIES

Said Amir Arjomand, Editor

The preparation of this volume was made possible in part
by a grant from the National Endowment for the
Humanities, an independent federal agency.

Bibliotheca Persica

Edited by Ehsan Yar-Shater

The History of al-Tabari

(Tarikh al-rusul wal muluk)
Volume x

The Conquest of Arabia

translated and annotated
by

Fred M. Donner

The University of Chicago

State University of New York Press

Published by

State University of New York Press, Albany
® 1993 State University of New York
All rights reserved

Printed in the United States of America
No part of this book may be used or reproduced
in any manner whatsoever without written permission
except in the case of brief quotations embodied in
critical articles and reviews.

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www.sunypress.edu

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Tabari, 8381-913.

[Ta’rikh al-rusul wa-al-muluk. English. Selections!

The Conquest of Arabia / translated and annotated by
Fred M. Donner.

p. cm. — (The History of al-Tabari = Ta’rikh a-rusul wa’l
mulukj v. io| (Bibliotheca Persica) (SUNY series in Near Eastern studies)
Translation of extracts from: Ta’rikh al-rusul wa-al-muluk.

Includes bibliographical references and index.

ISBN 0-7914-1071-4. — ISBN 0-7914-1071-1 (pbk.)

1. Riddah Wars. 1. Islam— History. 3. Arabian Peninsula —
History. I. Donner, Fred McGraw, 1945- . II. Title.

III. Series. IV. Series: Tabari, 8381-913. Ta’rikh al-rusul
wa-al-muluk. English; v. 10. V. Series: Bibliotheca Persica
(Albany, N. Y.)

DS38.1. T313 1985 vol. 10
(DS38.il
909'. 1 s — dcio
[953'. oi|

10 987654311

91-35989

CIP

Preface

9

The History of Prophets and Kings ( Tarikh al-iusul waT-mu-
luk ) by Abu Ja'far Muhammad b. Jarir al-Tabari (839-923), here
rendered as the History of al-Tabari, is by common consent the
most important universal history produced in the world of
Islam. It has been translated here in its entirety for the first time
for the benefit of non-Arabists, with historical and philological
notes for those interested in the particulars of the text.

Al-Tabari's monumental work explores the history of the
ancient nations, with special emphasis on biblical peoples and
prophets, the legendary and factual history of ancient Iran, and,
in great detail, the rise of Islam, the life of the Prophet
Muhammad, and the history of the Islamic world down to the
year 915. The first volume of this translation contains a bio¬
graphy of al-Tabari and a discussion of the method, scope,
and value of his work. It also provides information on some of
the technical considerations that have guided the work of the
translators.

The History has been divided here into thirty-eight volumes,
each of which covers about two hundred pages of the original
Arabic text in the Leiden edition. An attempt has been made to
draw the dividing lines between the individual volumes in such
a way that each is to some degree independent and can be read
as such. The page numbers of the Leiden edition appear on the
margins of the translated volumes.

Al-Tabari very often quotes his sources verbatim and traces
the chain of transmission ( isnad ) to an original source. The
chains of transmitters are, for the sake of brevity, rendered by

VI

Preface

only a dash ( — ) between the individual links in the chain. Thus,
"According to Ibn Humayd — Salamah — Ibn Ishaq" means that
al-Tabari received the report from Ibn Humayd, who said that he
was told by Salamah, who said that he was told by Ibn Ishaq, and
so on. The numerous subtle and important differences in the
original Arabic wording have been disregarded.

The table of contents at the beginning of each volume gives a
brief survey of the topics dealt with in that particular volume. It
also includes the headings and subheadings as they appear in
al-Tabari's text, as well as those occasionally introduced by the
translator.

Well-known place names, such as, for instance, Mecca,
Baghdad, Jerusalem, Damascus, and the Yemen, are given in
their English spellings. Less common place names, which are
the vast majority, are transliterated. Biblical figures appear
in the accepted English spelling. Iranian names are usually tran¬
scribed according to their Arabic forms, and the presumed
Iranian forms are often discussed in the footnotes.

Technical terms have been translated wherever possible, but
some, such as dirham and imam, have been retained in Arabic
forms. Others that cannot be translated with sufficient precision
have been retained and italicized, as well as footnoted.

The annotation aims chiefly at clarifying difficult passages,
identifying individuals and place names, and discussing textual
difficulties. Much leeway has been left to the translators to
include in the footnotes whatever they consider necessary and
helpful.

The bibliographies list all the sources mentioned in the an¬
notation.

The index in each volume contains all the names of persons
and places referred to in the text, as well as those mentioned in
the notes as far as they refer to the medieval period. It does not
include the names of modern scholars. A general index, it is
hoped, will appear after all the volumes have been published.

For further details concerning the series and acknowledg¬
ments, see Preface to Volume I.

Ehsan Yar-Shater

Contents

*

Preface / v
Abbreviations / ix
Translator's Foreword / xi

Maps i. Western Arabia at the Time of the Riddah Wars / xxiv
2. Eastern Arabia at the Time of the Riddah Wars / xxv

The Events of the Year n (cont’d) (6321633) / 1

What Took Place between the Muhajirun and the Ansar over the
Matter of Leadership at the Portico of the Banu Sa'idah / 1
Remainder of the Account Regarding al-'Ansi the Liar / 18
[Abu Bakr's Letter to the Apostates] / 55
The Remainder of the Account about Ghatafan at the Time of
Their Joining with Tulayhah and Other Things Relating to the
Affair of Tulayhah / 60

The Apostasy of Hawazin, Sulaym, and 'Amir / 75

Banu Tamim and the Affair of Sajah bt. al-Harith b. Suwayd /

84

Continuation of the Account of Sayf / 96
Al-Butah and Its Story / 98

Remainder of the Story of Musaylimah the Liar and His Tribe of
the People of al-Yamamah / 105
The People of al-Bahrayn, the Apostasy of al-FIutam, and Those
Who Joined With Him in al-Bahrayn / 134

Contents

viii

The Apostasy of the People of 'Uman and Mahrah and the
Yemen / 15 1

The Account of Mahrah in the Uplands / 155
Account of the Apostates in the Yemen / 158
The Wicked People of 'Akk / 161

Apostasy of the People of the Yemen a Second Time / 165
The Story of Tahir When He Marched to Reinforce Fayruz / 172
The Account of Hadramawt during Their Apostasy / 175
Continuation of the Report of Sayf / 189

Bibliography of Cited Works / 193

Index / 199

Abbreviations

9

Aghani : al-Isfahani, 'All b. al-Husayn, Kitdb al-aghdnl
B: Berlin Mss. of al-Tabari (nos. 9414-22,), used by editors of Leiden
edition; Ms. 9416 covers the riddah
BGA: Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum

C: Istanbul ("Constantinople") Ms. Koprulii 1040 of al-Tabari, used by
editors of Leiden edition
Cairo: al-Tabari, Ta'iikh, Cairo edition

El1: Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd edition. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1960-
Emendanda: M. J. De Goeje, Annales quod scripsit Abu Djafar
Mohammed ibn Djarir al-Tabari: Introduction, Glossarium,

Addenda et Emendanda. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1901, p. DLXXIII-
DCCCIII

Glossary: M. J. De Goeje, Annales quod scripsit Abu Djafar
Mohammed ibn Djarir al-Tabari: Introduction, Glossarium,

Addenda et Emendanda. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1901, p. Ci-DLXXII
IK: Possibly a reference to passages in Ibn Khallikan's Wafayat al-
ayan cited by P. De Jong, editor of this section of text in the
Leiden edition. In the introduction to the Leiden edition (see
Glossary, p. LXIIl) Ibn Khallikan is mentioned in the stemma of
manuscripts, but no mention of Ibn Khallikan or any other source
to which the siglum IK might refer is included in discussion of
the manuscripts and sources used by De Jong (pp. LII-LIII).

Kos: J. K. L. Kosegarten, ed., Greifswald partial edition of al-Tabari,
cited in notes to Leiden edition

TAVO: Tiibinger Atlas des vorderen Orients, Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig
Reichert Verlag, 1977-
Text: al-Tabari, Ta’rikh, Leiden edition

Translator's Foreword

9

This volume of al-Tabari's History, corresponding to pages
1837—2016 in the prima series of the Leiden edition, covers only
part of the year ah. ii/a.d. 632-33. It is devoted to two main
themes: the saqifah incident, during which the young Muslim
community selected a leader following the death of Muhammad,
and the wars of the riddah or apostasy, during which the first
caliph, Abu Bakr, led the government in Medina as it subjected
all of Arabia. Some accounts of the saqifah incident are also
found at the end of volume IX of the translation (pp. i82off. of
the text); on the other hand, all al-Tabari's material on the
riddah wars is included in volume X, constituting the over¬
whelming bulk of it.

Both the saqifah incident and the riddah were crucial events
in the development of the early Islamic state. Immediately
after the death of the Prophet Muhammad, the community of
Muslims in Medina was in danger of falling apart. Old tribal
tensions and rivalries among the Prophet's closest supporters,
which the Prophet himself had been able to keep under control
by the force of his personality and the authority of his message,
threatened to break once again into the open. The Medinan
Ansar, or "Helpers" of the Prophet, and the Muhajirun, or
"Emigrants" who had come with the Prophet from Mecca, had
sometimes felt keen rivalry toward one another. Early converts
to Islam and old supporters of the Prophet — both Muhajirun and
Ansar — resented some of the late converts from Mecca, who had
been shown great favor by the Prophet in his last years, despite

The Conquest of Arabia

xii

their long and bitter opposition to him and his message. Upon
the Prophet's death, some of the leading clans of the Medinan
Ansar gathered to plan for their future and were on the verge
of selecting one of their number to be leader of the Medinan
Muslims, assuming that the Meccan Muslims would choose
another chief for themselves. The gathering— which took place
on a portico ( saqlfah ) of one of the Medinan clans, hence the
name of the incident — was visited by a few of Muhammad's
earliest Meccan followers, who pleaded successfully for a unified
leadership. The result was the acclamation of Abu Bakr, an early
Meccan convert and close confidant of the Prophet, to be the
first caliph (khalifah "successor,” sometimes "vicegerent").

In agreeing to recognize Abu Bakr as their leader following the
Prophet's death, the Muslims also decided that they were to
continue not only as a religious community but also as a unified
polity. This decision was of the utmost importance. Had they
decided otherwise, it is fair to assume that Islam would never
have spread as it did, for the initial Islamic conquest movement
was not primarily the expansion of a new faith, but rather the
expansion of a new state — albeit a state whose coalescence was
intimately linked with the new faith, which would come to
be called Islam. It was under the shelter of this state ruled
by Muslims that Islam first struck deep roots outside Arabian
soil; without this shelter, Islam might well have remained a
purely local Arabian cult, very different from what it eventually
became as a result of its later evolution in the highly cultured
regions of Mesopotamia, Syria, Egypt, and Iran.

If the saqifah incident can be taken as the moment when
Muslims committed themselves to being a unified political
community, the riddah wars can be seen as the first test of that
commitment. Even as the core of the Muslim community — the
Prophet's Meccan and Medinan followers — was deciding to
remain under united leadership, many other groups whom the
Prophet had brought into his community in various parts of
Arabia were deciding to end their submission to Medina. Some
tribes claimed that they wished to remain Muslims in the
religious sense — by performing prayer, for example — but would
not send to Abu Bakr the tax payments that Muhammad had
requested of them in his last years. Others repudiated both the

Translator's Foreword

xiii

political and the religious leadership of Medina; they wished
simply to go their own way, now that the Prophet was dead, in
some cases choosing to follow other figures who claimed, like
Muhammad, to be prophets (and whom the Muslim tradition,
naturally, condemns as "false prophets"). Still others, it seems,
hoped simply to take advantage of the turmoil in Medina to
raid the town, enriching themselves with plunder and ending
what they perhaps felt to be vexatious demands for tribute.
All of these movements are termed riddah "apostasy" by the
Muslim sources, even in cases where the opponents of Medina
showed no desire to repudiate the religious aspects of the faith.
Abu Bakr vowed to fight them all until they were subdued
and dispatched several armies to deal with the main rebellions.
Indeed, the campaigns did not limit themselves to the recon¬
quest of Arabian tribes that had previously had some contact
with Muhammad; they spilled over the whole of Arabia, and
many tribes and groups that had had no contact with the
Prophet at all, and who certainly had not been allied to or
subjected by him, were conquered for the first time. The Arabic
sources classify these wars, too, as wars against the riddah,
even though they involved neither apostasy nor rebellion — only
resistance to expansion of the new islamic state based in
Medina.1 The riddah wars constitute, in effect, the first chapter
in the early Islamic conquest movement that led to the estab¬
lishment throughout the Near East of a new imperial state ruled
by Arabian Muslims.

The large amount of space that al-Tabari dedicated to the
riddah wars reflects the importance accorded the riddah theme
in early Islamic historiography. It was a theme closely related
to the theme of futuh (conquest by the Islamic state), which
dominates the next several volumes in this translation of al-
Tabari. Both the riddah and the futuh were seen retrospectively
by Muslims as signs of God's favor for the new Islamic faith,
which is why they became such central themes in early Islamic
historiography. But, unlike the futuh theme, the secondary

i. There are occasional passages where this classification is not enforced,
however; e.g., I, 1961 top (from Sayf), which carefully distinguishes “apostates"
from "non-apostates who were still unbelievers."

XIV

The Conquest of Arabia

purpose of which was to explain and justify the Muslims'
sovereignty over their non-Muslim subjects, the riddah theme
was intended to affirm the superiority of the companions of the
Prophet \sahdbah) and of certain tribes and lineages over others.

In relating the stories of the saqlfah and the riddah, al-Tabari
relied on existing narratives conveyed to him by his predecessors
in the historiographical enterprise — above all on the Kufan
compiler Sayf b. 'Umar, whose accounts make up about 90
percent of this volume. As in other parts of al-Tabari's history,
then, very little in this volume represents original material
written by al-Tabari himself. This approach is hardly surprising,
for al-Tabari was first and foremost a traditionist and subscribed
to the principle that true knowledge was what had been received
via sound transmission from reliable earlier authorities, who
had been closer to the events described. In the face of such
transmitted evidence, al-Tabari would have argued, what could
later ideas made without support of sound transmission be but
rank speculation? This does not mean, however, that al-Tabari
simply repeats everything he receives from his predecessors or
that he had no point of view of his own. On the contrary, it
seems clear that al-Tabari screened his accounts carefully and
so projected his particular interpretation of events by editorial
manipulation, arrangement, and omission.2

Because of this method, al-Tabari's point of view often
becomes clear only when his treatment of a particular episode is
compared with that of other compilers. For example, in relating
the episode of Malik b. Nuwayrah and the tribe of Tamim,
al-Tabari tells us relatively little about how Malik, who had
been appointed tax agent over the Banu Hanzalah by the Prophet,
came to be considered a quasi-apostate and how he earned his
nickname "al-Jaful." These things are related much more fully
by other compilers, like al-Diyarbakri and al-Balansi. On the
other hand, al-Tabari dwells at length on Malik's eventual death
while captive in the hands of the troops of Khalid b. al-Walid. He
also focuses on Khalid's hasty marriage with Malik's widow, on

z. On this aspect of al-Tabari's editorial work, see the pioneering study by
M. G. S. Hodgson, "Two Pre-Modern Muslim Historians."

Translator's Foreword

xv

the angry reaction of 'Umar b. al-Khattab to this act, and on
Abu Bakr's handling of the case. The latter issues are legal and
political ones but, above all, questions of personal morality and
its relation to political authority, which often seems to be what
interested al-Tabari most. When compared with the accounts in
al-BalansI (pp. 5off.), for example, al-Tabari's narratives, derived
from Sayf b. 'Umar, read like an effort to divert the reader's
attention from the questionable behavior of Malik b. Nuwayrah
that led to his captivity in the first place. This might be con¬
sidered simply another example of Sayf's desire to exculpate his
tribe, Tamim, for responsibility for the riddah, as noted long ago
by Wellhausen.3 On the other hand, Sayf's account — unlike that
in al-Balansi — also exonerates Khalid b. al-Walld from direct
personal responsibility for killing Malik. The point here is not to
show that one or another of these alternative points of view
is better but simply to demonstrate how al-Tabari and other
authors were able to guide their readers' attention to the
issues — and perhaps, to the conclusions — that they wished by
means of editorial manipulation and selection.

Al-Tabari uses the "cut and paste" method of khabar history,4
in which discrete accounts ( akhbdr , sing, khabar) on specific
events are arranged one after another to provide fuller treatment
of events. Because synthetic reformulation of material from
various sources is eschewed, the compilation often suffers from
poor coordination of the narrative and contains little, if any,
analysis at all. For example, al-Tabari likes to begin his
examination of the riddah of a particular tribe (person, group)
by relating what contacts, if any, that tribe had had with the
Prophet Muhammad and Islam before the Prophet's death. This
material is presumably included to establish for certain that the
tribesmen were, in fact, apostates who had given up the true
faith after having acknowledged it. However, it is often not
clearly set off from accounts of the riddah proper, so that it may
be confusing to the reader, who encounters information about
the events of the riddah in the year n and about events in

3. Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI, 1-7.

4. The term is that of F. Rosenthal, A History of Muslim Historiography (2nd
ed. Leiden: 1968), pp. 66f f.

xvx

The Conquest of Arabia

earlier years jumbled together in successive akhbar.5 In other
instances, the strait jacket of khabar history sometimes leads
al-Tabari to mention in an incidental way characters who only
later receive a proper introduction into the narrative. For
example, in relating Tulayhah's rebellion, 'Uyaynah b. al-Hisn
is mentioned along with Tulayhah (p. 62, below), without any
clarification of who 'Uyaynah was and what role he played in
the riddahi this comes only later (p. 68, below). As a given body
of material may be covered in several different akhbar, more¬
over, overlaps, repetitions, verbatim repeats, and the like are
common, even in different accounts by one and the same
transmitter.6 Of course, between accounts related on the
authority of different transmitters, overlaps are often multiple
and extensive.

The disjointed nature of al-Tabari's presentation becomes
especially clear when we compare his text with others in search
of parallels. Frequently, al-Tabari's accounts do not provide
a very complete or balanced overview of a particular event
from the narrative point of view. His accounts of the battles
at Buzakhah, Butah, and even al-Yamamah, though including
much, also leave out much, knowledge of which is nonetheless
implied or assumed in the accounts he does include. This means
that accounts in other sources often provide the key to under¬
standing the meaning of obscure or elliptical references in
al-Tabari's narratives.

On the other hand, al-Tabari also sometimes includes material
not found elsewhere; for example, his several accounts compar¬
ing miracles performed by the Prophet with failed efforts by
Musaylimah to duplicate them (p. no, below, from Sayf) do not
occur in the other sources I have consulted.

Al-Tabari's heavy reliance on the narratives of Sayf b. 'Umar
in recounting the events of this volume warrants some com¬
ment here. Sayf has been severely criticized by Wellhausen
and other scholars for the apparent tribal chauvinism and
chronological absurdity of his accounts, which these scholars

5. See, for example, I, 1892-93 on Tulayhah's rebellion and its background.

6 . An example is the phrase bi’sa 'awadtum anfusakum, introduced in two
accounts of Ibn Ishlq, at pp. 118 and 122, below.

Translator's Foreword

XVII

have dismissed as "historical novels" of little value to the
modern historian.7 Recently, a number of scholars have softened
this criticism considerably, arguing that some of Sayf's pre¬
sumed shortcomings are merely reflections of the kind of
popular narrative he collected, that the chronology of other
authors has little more claim to veracity than that of Sayf, and
that his narratives do not so much contradict accounts by other
transmitters, as they complement them by viewing events from
a completely different vantage point.8

Sayf's narratives on the riddah (and on the conquests to
follow) were evidently the fullest available to al-Tabari. Other
transmitters, like Ibn Ishaq and Abu Mikhnaf, also provided
al-Tabari with some material, but its bulk is dwarfed by that
coming via Sayf. It may be that al-Tabari preferred Sayf's
material because it conformed to the political and theological
perspective that he himself wished to convey.9 On the other
hand, we must recall that al-Tabari, as a traditionist, would have
insisted that his sources meet the strict standards imposed by
traditionists in evaluating transmitted material; one of his main
purposes in writing his history seems to have been to establish
the writing of history on the same systematic basis found in the
study of hadith, where the study of transmitted accounts had
first been scientifically pursued. Al-Tabari's heavy reliance on
Sayf's material, then, can in some measure be taken as an
affirmation of its perceived reliability in the eyes of one of the
leading intellectual figures of the day.

Al-Tabari's fondness for Sayf poses a definite handicap for the
translator, however, because Sayf's narratives are frequently
much more difficult to understand — and hence to translate —
than those of other transmitters. The accounts of Ibn Ishaq or of

7 . E.g., Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI, pp. 1-7; M. J. De Goeje, Memoiie sur
la conquete de la Syrie> Murtada al-'Askari, Khamsun wa mVah sahabi
mukhtalaq.

8. On chronology, see Donner, Conquests, pp. r 4 iff. Landau-Tasseron, "Sayf
b. 'Umar in Medieval and Modern Scholarship," surveys the literature on Sayf
and offers several cogent reasons why his compilations deserve serious consider¬
ation as sources.

9. On this aspect of al-Tabari's selection of material, see Donner, "The
Problem of Early Arabic Historiography in Syria," esp. pp. 2 iff.

xviii The Conquest of Arabia

Ibn al-Kalbi (from Abu Mikhnaf), for example, often come as
welcome interludes of lucidity amid long stretches of Sayf's
vexing prose. Without going into great detail, we can note five
specific features of Sayf's prose style that make it especially
difficult.10 First, Sayf's narratives often include elliptical phrases
that can be virtually opaque unless the fuller context to which
the phrase refers is known from another account. Related to this
is his penchant for using numerous pronouns in long passages,
leaving it unclear at times who or what the antecedent of the
various pronouns may be. Second, Sayf sometimes uses a verb in
one form to signify an action usually referred to by a verb of
another form, for example waada bi- (III) for "to threaten"
instead of the usual aw'ada bi- (IV).11 Third, he sometimes
employs known words with unknown meanings or with pre¬
positions not associated with them in the dictionaries.12 Fourth,
verb and subject sometimes seem not in grammatical agree¬
ment, or verbs have no apparent subject. Fifth, Sayf sometimes
seems to use certain particles, like hatta, thumma, etc., with
unorthodox meanings. 13

These and other anomalies of Sayf's narrative style may be
more than just a headache for the translator, however; they may
also be clues to the origins of his material. For they suggest that
Sayf was not engaged mainly in polishing his narratives into
an acceptable literary style but was, rather, intent on relating
a variety of stories he had collected from informants hailing
from diverse tribes — tribes whose differing dialects may be
responsible for the grammatical and stylistic anomalies of Sayf's
accounts. We have seen that Sayf was criticized harshly by
Wellhausen for presenting a picture of events that favored his
own tribe of Tamim, but the chains of informants Sayf prefaces

10. The following observations are impressionistic and not meant to be either
conclusive or exhaustive.

11. This occurs at p. 72. Cf. ijtaza ' ala (p. 92), meaning "to commit
aggression against," instead of the usual jawaza 'ala-, kharrata 'ala (p. 125),
cf. dictionaries' ikhtaiata "to draw [the sword|"; aqama Ii (p. 146) "to resist
(?)."

12. E.g., istabra’a (p. 105) "to mop up" in military context (?); lama bl¬
ip. 92) "to shoot" [someone|; intalaqa bi- |p. no) "to take [something) away";
ikhtalafa bayna (p. 97) "to serve as intermediary between."

13. E.g., pp. no, 57 bottom, thumma as "so, so that."

Translator's Foreword

xix

to his accounts reveal that his informants came from many
tribes in addition to Tamim, and it seems likely that Sayf (or
some of his immediate informants) made a concerted effort to
collect tribal oral traditions that had never been written down.
Other clues, too, point to possible oral origins of much of Sayf's
narrated material — not only the generally rough and disjointed
nature of the overall compilation but also such details as
occasional lapses into the "narrative present" in tales otherwise
couched in the past. 14

Sayf's rendition of the riddah in the Yemen offers an interest¬
ing case in point. In general, the section is very confusing, as
the material on al-Aswad's rebellion is related in tandem with
material on the Prophet's appointment of tax agents and his
death in a way that makes the chronological relationship of the
different events quite unclear. In fact, al-Tabari includes not
one but two quite lengthy narrations of the beginnings of the
riddah in the Yemen on Sayf's authority (pp. 18-34, 34-38),
and, though these two versions of Sayf's have many common
features (enough to make each of some help in decoding the
other), they also display considerable divergence in detail.15 Both
are cast in an unusually problematic Arabic, and it seems likely
that we are faced here with two oral variants of a common tribal
tradition about the killing of al-Aswad.

Given the frequent difficulties of Sayf's Arabic, the search for
close parallels to his accounts in texts other than al-Tabari offers
the hope of finding clearer wordings for awkward phrases. What
is most interesting, however, is that the search for parallels
reveals that Sayf's Arabic was almost as problematic to medieval

14. E.g., p. 179, where Sayf has the imperfect, la tubdithu ...,1a tajidu. ... It
is worth noting that Ibn al-Athir's almost verbatim quote from this passage
{Kamil, II, 380) changes the verbs from the imperfect (denoting incomplete

action) to the jussive (denoting completed action): lam yuhdith . . . lam yajid -

rj. There is actually a third summary of events on Sayf's authority at
pp. 158-61, but it is very different from the two noted above.

16. Cf. Baladhuri, Futuh, pp. 94ft., on the apostasy of al-'arab, referring to
the largely nomadic groups of Sulaym, 'Amir b. Sa'sa'ah, Asad, Fazarah,
Tamim, etc., but with separate sections on the apostasy of Kindah and al-Aswad
al-'Ansi and his followers, both groups of sedentary people. Cf. also Balansi, 5,
where the muhajirun say to Abu Bakr, when Usamah is away, "We don't have
the power to fight the Arabs," referring to the nomads of Fazarah.

XX

The Conquest of Arabia

Arab historians as it is to us. This offers us only the cold com¬
fort of knowing that our problem in deciphering a given passage
lies more with the text than it does with our knowledge of
classical Arabic; for the parallels often do not assist us at all in
our goal of achieving a satisfactory translation of al-Tabari's
text.

Passages in most authors who deal with the riddah were only
occasionally useful in clarifying the precise wording of a passage
but were frequently helpful in clarifying the general context of
events. Most useful in this respect were al-Balansi, al-Diyarbakri,
and al-Baladhuri's Futuh al-bulddn. The longest sustained
parallel to al-Tabari's text on the riddah is provided by Ibn al-
Athlr in his al-Kamil fi al-ta'rikh, for he relied heavily (indeed,
almost exclusively) on al-Tabari for his account. According to
De Goeje's stemma of the manuscripts of al-Tabari, Ibn al-Athir
relied on an earlier manuscript, now lost, that was also the
source for the Berlin, Oxford, and one of the Istanbul manuscripts
on which the Leiden edition of the text was partially based.
Ibn al-Athir is thus occasionally helpful but more frequently
frustrating; though long, straightforward passages from al-Tabari
are quoted by him verbatim, problematic passages are often
simply dropped altogether, and the remnants harmonized into
a plausible narrative or condensed in summaries that, though
clear in meaning, really represent merely Ibn al-Athxr's com¬
mentary on what al-Tabari's text might have meant. Moreover,
we do not always agree with Ibn al-Athir's judgment; at p. 107,
for example, Ibn al-Athir fills in the subject of the phrase wa
kana yantahi ila amri-hi as Musaylima, but it seems to me
more likely to refer to Nahar "al-Rajjal."

Of course, Ibn al-Athir's evasion of many textual difficulties
means that the manuscript he used already contained many of
the same problems we face. This may, of course, simply be the
result of corruptions creeping into the text in the manner
normal in a manuscript tradition, but I think that it is really
further evidence that the texts on the riddah, particularly those
related from Sayf, are in fact archaic — in both origin and
language — and hence not well understood already in al-Tabari's
day, much less in Ibn al-Athir's. The fact that virtually all the
really problematic spots occur in Sayf's narratives, rather than in

Translator's Foreword

xxi

those related by other informants, argues against the random
hand of manuscript corruption as the source of most difficulties.

Volume 1 9 of the Cairo (1975) edition of al-Nuwayri's Nihayat
al-arab fi funun al-adab also has a long section on the riddah
that is derived, primarily, from al-Tabari. Although a few of al-
Nuwayri's circumlocutions are helpful in establishing the sense
of al-Tabari's text, he seems even more determined than Ibn al-
Athir to evade opaque passages.

The problematic nature of many passages in the text has had
several practical implications. First and foremost, of course, it
means that the translation offered here can be considered only a
provisional one. We can hope that someday, when scholars have
undertaken a much more thorough examination of the text on
the basis of all available manuscripts (and perhaps even on the
basis of new manuscripts yet to be discovered), a much surer
edition of the text can be prepared, on the basis of which a
definitive translation can be prepared. In the meantime, readers
must be warned that, despite my efforts and those of several
very learned Arabists who kindly agreed to consider rough
passages with me, there remains considerable scope for dis¬
tortion or outright error in this translation.

A second practical implication of the text's complexity is that
instead of noting all the many manuscript variants noted by the
Leiden edition, I have chosen only a few that seemed to me
significant in clarifying the meaning of the passage or in suggest¬
ing a plausible different meaning. The reason for this is simply
the sheer number of manuscript variants — sometimes exceeding
twenty per page. To have included all of them would have added
at least two thousand additional notes to the volume, most of
little consequence for the translation. The Arabist who uses
the translation, however, and who is interested in a particular
passage of text must still refer back to the Arabic text itself to
see whether or not some variant that I have not noted may bear
important implications for his or her work.

I have been most fortunate to have had the kind assistance of
several very learned colleagues, who reviewed my translation of
problematic passages and suggested a large number of changes.
First and foremost I wish to thank Dr. Ella Landau-Tasseron of
the Hebrew University, a fine Arabist and without doubt the

xxii The Conquest of Arabia

leading specialist on the history of the riddah in our generation
of scholars. With the careful attention she displays in all her
work, she reconsidered many thorny passages and offered exten¬
sive and meticulously detailed corrections and improvements,
both linguistic and historical. My colleagues at Chicago, Dr.
Farouk Mustafa and Dr. Wadad al-Qadi, sat with me for many
hours and helped me to gain a better understanding of many
passages (particularly of poetry) the import of which, or some
important nuance of which, had escaped me in part or com¬
pletely. To all of them I offer my heartfelt thanks for having
so generously shared their time (so limited) and knowledge
(so extensive) in a way that has immeasurably improved the
reliability and accuracy of the translation presented here. As
none of these colleagues reviewed the entire text of the trans¬
lation, however, the errors and oversights that doubtless remain
in it must redden my ears alone. I also wish to thank my editor,
Dr. Estelle Whelan, who saw this volume through the press.

In closing, I list a few relatively common words, the trans¬
lation of which from classical Arabic is often problematic, with
my explanation of the way I have translated them (or, in some
cases, refused to do so). I hope this may help Arabists and
general readers alike to get a better sense of some passages
where these words are used.

al-aiab. I have generally rendered this simply as
"Arabs," but the word does not, of course, have the modern
nationalist meaning, which has been known only since the
nineteenth century. Rather, it means either "nomads," that
is, nonsedentary pastoral people,16 or "speakers of Arabic";
not infrequently, the text is ambiguous as to which mean¬
ing is intended, for which reason it seemed advisable to
leave the term untranslated.

amr. The basic meaning is either "affair, matter" or
"order, command," but it is used in a wide variety of con¬
texts and so requires very flexible rendering. It is variously
translated "situation," "cause," "purpose," "something,"
"leadership", or "authority."

al-nas. Basically "people" (according to Glossary, actu¬
ally "chiefs, noblemen" or "horsemen"), in many cases it is

Translator's Foreword

xxiii

best translated "the army," always referring to one's own
side.

al-qawm. Basically "group, tribe, people," it often means
"the enemy,” that is, the other side.

din. Sometimes rendered . "religion," e.g. din Allah,
p. 56, but sometimes, especially in political contexts, best
rendered "obedience." At times din Allah seems to mean
"obedience to God," especially when din is juxtaposed
with islam "submission," as on p. 57.

Fred M. Donner

Map i. Western Arabia at the Time of the Riddah

Map 2. Eastern Arabia at the Time of the Riddah

The

Events of the Year

II (cont'd)

(March 29, 632— March 17, 633)

What Took Place between the Muhajirun and the
Ansar over the Matter of Leadership at the Portico of
the Banu Sa'idah*

According to Hisham b. Muhammad — Abu Mikhnaf — 'Abdallah
b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Abi 'Amrah al-Ansarl:1 2 When the Prophet
passed away, the Ansar gathered on the portico of the Banu
Sa'idah said, "Let us appoint Sa'd b. 'Ubadah3 to be in charge of

1. The Muhajirun (often translated as "Emigrants," but see note 81, below, on
hijrah ) were mainly those people of the Meccan tribe of Quraysh — the Prophet's
tribe — who emigrated to Medina to jom the Prophet's community there, but
they included some people of other groups who embraced Islam and settled in
Medina; the An§ar ("Helpers") were the Medinan converts to Islam, comprising
mainly the rival Medinan tribes of Aws and Khazraj; the Banu Sa'idah b. Ka'b
were a clan of he Khazraj. For an analysis of the traditions on Abu Bakr's
election, see Caetam, 521-33.

2. Ibn Abi al-Hadid, Sharh nahj al-balaghah, I, 302-3, summarizes pp. t-ro;
cf. Nuwayri, 29-31 (as far as p. 15). Cf. Caetani, 514-15.

3. A chief of the Khazraj tribe of Medina and one of the twelve naqibs, or
guarantors, of the Medinan An$ar chosen by the Prophet during the meeting at
al-'Aqabah, before the hijrah-, cf. Ibn Sa'd, III/2, 134-35, 142-45.

[1837]

2.

The Conquest of Arabia

our affairs after Muhammad." They made Sa'd come out to
them; but he was sick, and after they had gathered he said to his
son or to one of his cousins, "Because of my illness I cannot
make my words heard by all the people. Take my speech from
me and make them hear it." So he spoke, and the man mem¬
orized what he said and said jit] in a loud voice so that his
(1838) companions would hear it. After praising and extolling God, he
said:

Company of the Ansar! You have precedence in religion
and merit in Islam that no (other] tribe of the Arabs can
claim. Muhammad remained ten-odd years in his tribe,
calling them to worship the Merciful and to cast off idols
and graven images, but only a few men of his tribe
believed in Him, and they were able neither to protect
the Apostle of God, nor to render His religion strong,
nor to divert from themselves the oppression that befell
them all; until, when He intended excellence for you, He
sent nobility to you and distinguished you with grace.
Thus God bestowed upon you faith in Him and in His
Apostle, and protection for him and his companions, and
strength for him and his faith, and battle [jihad] for his
enemies. You were the most severe people against his
enemies who were among you, and the most trouble¬
some to his enemies who were not from among you, so
that the Arabs became upright in God's cause, willingly
or unwillingly, and the distant one submitted in abject
humiliation, until through you God made great slaughter
in the earth4 for His Apostle, and by your swords the
Arabs were abased for him.5 When God took (the
Prophet) to Himself,6 he was pleased with you and
consoled by you. (So] keep [control of] this matter to
yourselves, to the exclusion of others, for it is yours and
yours alone.

4. Reading 'athkhana ...fi al-ardi, instead of the text's and Nuwayri's |p. 30)
athkhana. . . al-arda. Cf. Qur’an 8:67.

5. Translating the verb danat as transitive, rather than intransitive.

6. I.e., at the time of the Prophet's death.

What Took Place between the Muhajirun and the Ansar 3

They answered him all together, "Your opinion is right, and
you have spoken correctly. We will not diverge from your
opinion, and we shall put you in charge of this business. For
indeed, you are sufficient for us and satisfactory to whoever is
righteous among the believers." But then they began to debate
among themselves, and [some] said, "What if the Muhajirun of
Quraysh refuse, saying, 'We are the Muhajirun and the first
companions of the Apostle of God; we are his kinsmen and his
friends.7 So why do you dispute this matter with us after him?"'
[Another] group of (the Ansar) said, "Then we should say, let us
have a leader from among ourselves, and you a leader from
among yourselves,' for we should never be satisfied with less [1839]
than this leadership." When Sad b. 'Ubadah heard this, he said,

"This is the beginning of weakness."

'Umar learned of this and went to the Prophet's house and
sent to Abu Bakr, who was in the building.8 Now 'All b. Abi
Talib9 was working busily preparing the Apostle [for burial], so
['Umar] sent a message to Abu Bakr to come out to him. Abu
Bakr sent back that he was occupied, but ['Umar] sent him
another message, saying, "Something has happened that you
must attend to in person." So he came out to him, and [‘Umar]
said to him, "Didn't you know that the Ansar have gathered
at the portico of the Banu Sa'idah intending to put Sa'd b.

'Ubadah in charge of this affair? [Even] the best of them is
saying, 'A leader for us and a leader for Quraysh.'" So the
two of them hurried toward them; they met Abu 'Ubaydah b.
al-Jarrah,10 and the three of them marched toward them. [On

7. 'Ashiratuhu wa awliyatuhu. Ibn Abi al-Hadid, I, 30a, has awliyauhu wa
'itratuhu; Nuwayri, 30, has 'ashiiatuhu wa awliyauhu.

8. Cf. Ibn Hisham, 1013 (from Ibn Ishaq), 1015-16; Diyarbakri, II, 168 (from
Ibn Ishaq); and San'ani, V, 442 (al-Zuhri — 'Ubaydallah b. 'Abdallah b. 'Utbah —
Ibn 'Abbas). Ibn Hisham, 1015-16, seems to be a condensed version of pp. 3-8.

9. 'All b. Abi Talib was the Prophet's cousin and the husband of the Prophet's
daughter Fafima; he would later be the fourth caliph or successor to the Prophet
as head of the Muslim community. 'Umar ibn al-Khattab and Abu Bakr, in the
preceding sentence, were early converts and close associates of the Prophet and
would later serve as the second and first successors of the Prophet, respectively.

10. An early convert to Islam from Quraysh, who played a major role in the
Islamic conquest of Syria after the Prophet's death; cf. El1, s.v. "Abu 'Ubayda b.
al-Djarrah" (H. A. R. Gibb). Diyarbakri, II, 167-68 |from Ibn Ishaq) makes no

4

The Conquest of Arabia

their way] they were met by Asim b. Adi and 'Uwaym b.
Sa'idah,11 who said, "Go back, for it will not be as you wish."
But they refused [to turn back] and arrived while (the Ansar]
were gathered.

According to 'Umar b. al-Khattab: We came to them, and I
had pieced together12 a speech that I wanted to deliver to them;
but, when I had pushed in among them and was about to begin
my address, Abu Bakr said to me, "Easy does it, 'Umar, until I
have spoken; then afterward say whatever you wish." So he
spoke [first], and there was nothing that I had wanted to say that
he did not come to, or amplify it.

According to 'Abdallah b. 'Abd al-Rahman:13 Abu Bakr began
by praising and extolling God. Then he said, "Verily God sent
Muhammad as an Apostle to His creatures and as a witness
to his community, that they should worship God and affirm His
[1840] oneness. For they had worshiped various deities other than Him,
alleging that [those deities] were intercessors before Him on
their behalf and were beneficial for them. [Those gods] were of
carved stone and hewn wood." Then he recited, "And they serve
beside God that which can neither harm nor help them, saying:
'These are our intercessors before God.'"14 And they said, "We
worship them only that they may make us nearer to God."15
[Abu Bakr continued,] "Now the Arabs found it most distressing
that they should leave the religion of their forefathers; so from
among his tribe God singled out the first Muhajirun, by having

mention of him and has only Abu Bakr and 'Umar proceeding to the Ansar, but
later in the account he mentions the raising of the hands of 'Umar and Abu
'Ubaydah to swear allegiance to Abu Bakr.

11. The names vary in different accounts. Ibn Hisham, 1016 (Ibn Ishaq — al-
Zuhri — 'Urwah b. al-Zubayr); Ibn Abi al-Hadid, I, 193; San'ani, V, 445 (al-
Zuhri— 'Urwah); and Diyarbakri, II, 167, give the first name as Ma'n b. 'Adi; the
last gives the second name as 'Uwaymir b. Sa'idah. San'ani, V, 441, gives simply
"two righteous men of the Ansar" and has them saying "Go and settle your
affairs among yourselves."

iz. Reading zawwaitu (instead of zawwaytu ("I cast off?") or rawitu ["I
related") of the manuscripts), as suggested by De Goeje in Emendanda, Ibn
al-Athir Kamil, II, 3Z7; Ibn Abi al-Hadid, I, Z93 ; Ibn Hisham, 1015-16; and
Nuwayri, 3z. San'ani, V, 443, has rawwaytu "I asked (s.o.J to recite"!?).

13. Cf. Nuwayri, 33-36, as far as p. 8.

14. Qur’an 10:18.

15. Qur’an 39:3.

5

What Took Place between the Muhajirun and the Ansar

them affirm that he spoke the truth and by their belief in him,
and consoling him and enduring patiently with him the harsh
insults their tribe [directed] against them and (their tribe), call¬
ing them liars. All the people were opposed to (the Muhajirun)
and rebuked them; but they were not distressed by their small
numbers or by the hatred of the people for them or by (the
people's) single-minded opposition to them, for they were the
first who worshiped God on the earth and who believed in God
and the Apostle. They are his friends and kinsmen16 and the
most deserving people in this matter after him; only a wrong¬
doer would dispute that. Oh company of the Ansar, your
superiority in religion and great precedence in Islam are undeni¬
able. May God be satisfied with you as helpers ( ansdi ) for His
religion and His Apostle. He made his hijrah to you, and the
majority of his wives and his companions are among you; so —
after the first Muhajirun — there is no one among us who is in
your station. We are the leaders, and you the helpers;17 matters
shall not be settled without consultation, nor shall we decide on
them without you."18

Then al-Hubab b. al-Mundhir b. al-Jamuh19 stood up and said,

"Oh company of the Ansar, take command of yourselves, for
you overshadow [other] people.20 No one will dare oppose you [1841]
[if you do], nor will the people21 proceed, except in accordance
with your opinion. You are the people of power and wealth,
numerous and strong in resistance and experienced, having
boldness and courage. The people look only to what you do; so
do not differ among yourselves, lest your judgment (ru’y) be
spoiled and your cause (amr) collapse.22 This one [i.e., Abu Bakr]

16. 'Ashiratuhu. Ibn Abi al-Hadid, I, 302; ' itratuhu "his family."

17. Wuzara', here using wazir in the Qur anic sense of "helper, assistant"; cf.
Qur’an 20:29, 25:35-

18. A loose parallel in Ibn Sa'd, III/i, 129, 11. 4ff., makes clear the idea of
shared power.

19. A leader of Khazraj, prominent at Badr and other battles of the Prophet. Cf.
Ibn Sa'd, III/ 2, 109—10.

20. Lit., "the people are in your shade and shadow."

2t. Ibn Abi al-Hadid, I, 302: "anyone."

22. Ibn Abi al-Hadid, I, 302, has "lest you spoil your affairs fumur) for
yourselves."

6

The Conquest of Arabia

insisted on what you have heard.23 So [let us have) a leader from
among us, and [they] a leader from among them." At this
'Umar said, "Absolutely not; two cannot come to agreement in
a joining.24 By God, the Arabs will not be content to give you
the leadership when their Prophet was not one of you; but they
would not prevent their affairs from being led by one of those
among whom prophethood [had appeared] and from whom the
guardian of their affairs [was chosenj. In that [fact] is manifest
argument and clear proof25 for us against those Arabs who
deny [it]. Who would attempt to wrest from us the sovereignty
( sultan ) of Muhammad and his authority ( imarah ), seeing that
we are his friends and his kinsmen, except someone advancing
falsehood, inclining to sin, or hurtling into destruction?" [But]
al-Hubab b. al-Mundhir stood up [again] and said, "Oh company
of the Ansar, take charge of your own affairs26 and do not listen
to what this one and his companions say, for they would do
away with your share in this matter. If they refuse to give you
what you ask for, then drive them out of this country, and seize
control of these matters despite them. For you are more deserv¬
ing of this authority27 than they are, as it was by your swords
that those who were not yet converted came to obey this
religion.28 I am their much-rubbed little rubbing post, and their
propped little palm tree loaded with fruit.29 By God, if you wish
to return it as a stump [then do so!]" 'Umar said, "Then may
God kill you!" and (al-Hubab) replied, "Rather may He kill

23. Lit., "denied everything except what you heard." Ibn Abi al-Hadid, I, 302,
has "If this one has insisted . . . , then let us have — " Cf. Diyarbakri, II, 169 top.

24. This phrase is, at best, laconic. Ibn Abi al-Hadid, I, 302, has "two swords
cannot be joined in one scabbard”; Al-San'ani, V, 444, has "two swords are not
suitable in one scabbard." The idea, in any case, is that one community cannot
be led by two people.

25. Al-sultdn al-mubin.

z6. Lit., "grasp upon your hands."

27. Imarah > but cf. Nuwayri, 35 top: amr "affair."

28. Dana li-hadhd al-din man dana mimman lam yakun yadlnu, lit., "those
who came to obey of those who had not (yetj obeyed came to obey this rehgion."

29. I.e., "I am sought out by those needing advice as camels with mange seek
the scratching post, and I have a numerous family to defend me" (Lane, Arabic-
English Lexicon, s.v. " jidhl "). Cf. Ibn Hisham, 1016; Diyarbakri, II, 168, 169;
Nuwayri, 32 bottom, 35 top.

What Took Place between the Muhajirun and the Ansar 7

you!" At this Abu 'Ubaydah said, "Oh company of the Ansar,

you were the first who helped and strengthened, so do not be the [1842]

first to substitute and change for the worse."30

Then Bashir b. Sa'd,31 father of al-Nu'man b. Bashir, stood
up and said, "Oh company of the Ansar, if indeed by God we
were the first in merit in battling the polytheists and in pre¬
cedence in this religion, we would want by (these deeds) only
[to gain] our Lord's pleasure, and obedience to our Prophet, and
sustenance for ourselves; it is not appropriate for us to exalt
ourselves over [other] people. Let us not seek by it some transi¬
tory thing of the world, for indeed God is the One Who provides
(such things) for us out of His grace.32 In truth Muhammad
was from Quraysh, and his people are more entitled to [hold]
(authority) and more suitable. I swear by God that He shall never
see me contesting this matter {ami) with them. So fear God and
do not oppose them or dispute with them."

At this Abu Bakr said,33 "This is 'Umar, and this is Abu
'Ubaydah; render the oath of allegiance to whichever of them
you wish." But they both said, "No, by God, we shall not
undertake [to hold] this authority over you, for you are the best
of the Muhajirun, the "second of two when they were in the
cave,"34 and the Apostle of God's deputy ( khalifah ) over the
prayer; and prayer is the most meritorious obedience {din) of
the Muslims. So who should precede you or undertake this
authority over you? Extend your hand so we may render the oath
of allegiance to you!"

When35 the two of them went forth to render the oath of
allegiance to him, Bashir b. Sa'd went to him ahead of them
and swore allegiance to him (first). At this al-Hubab b. al-
Mundhir shouted to him, "Oh Bashir b. Sa'd, you are in op-

30. I.e., as the Muslim community was united and strong before, a change to
disunity will be a setback.

31. An early follower of Muhammad from Medina. Cf. Ibn Sa'd, III/z, 83-84.

3 2. Lit., "God is the benefactor of grace upon us by that."

33. Cf. Al-Diyarbakri, II, 168, 169.

34. A quotation from Qur’an 9:40, considered by Muslim exegetes to refer to
an episode when Abu Bakr made the hijrah with the Prophet.

35. Cf. Diyarbakri, II, 169.

8

The Conquest of Arabia

position [to your kinsmen];36 what drove you to [do] what you
have done?37 Did you envy your cousin38 the sovereignty?" He
replied, "By God, no! But I abhorred contending with a group for
a right that God had given them." Now when the Aws saw what
Bashir b. Sa'd had done and what Quraysh had called for and
what the Khazraj were demanding by way of giving sovereignty
[1843] to Sa'd b. 'Ubadah, they said to one another (and among them
was Usayd b. Hudayr, one of the naqlbs):39 "By God, if once you
appoint the Khazraj over you, they will always have the advan¬
tage over you on that account, and will never give you any share
in it with them. So stand up and render the oath of allegiance to
Abu Bakr." So they came forth to him and rendered the oath of
allegiance to him. Thus that which Sa'd b. 'Ubadah and the
Khazraj had agreed to do was defeated.

Hisham — Abu Mikhnaf — Abu Bakr b. Muhammad al-Khu-
za’i:40 Aslam41 approached en masse until the streets were
packed with them, and they rendered the oath of allegiance to
Abu Bakr. 'Umar used to say, "It was not until I saw Aslam
that I was certain we had won the day."42

Hisham — Abu Mikhnaf — 'Abdallah b. 'Abd al-Rahman.43 Peo¬
ple approached from all sides swearing allegiance to Abu Bakr,
and they almost stepped on Sa'd b. 'Ubadah. Some of Sa'd's
associates said, "Be careful not to step on Sa'd!" At this 'Umar
said, "Kill him; may God slay him!" Then he stepped on his
head, saying, "I intend to tread upon you until your arm is

36. Reading, with Cairo, 'aqqatka 'aqaqi, for 'aqaqta 'aqaqi in the text. Cf.
Ibn Manzur, X, 157, for the idiom.

37. Reading ma akhrajaka for ma ahwajaka, as suggested by P. De long in
notes to text. However, Nuwayri, 36, has the same reading as the text.

38. I.e., his fellow tribesman of Khazraj, Sa'd b. 'Ubadah.

39. On the naqibs see note 2, above. On Usayd, a chief of the Aws tribe who
had led them in battle against the Khazraj at the battle of Bu'ath before Islam,
see Ibn Sa'd, III/2, 135—37-

40. Cf. Nuwayri, 36-38, as far as p. 10.

41. A tribe associated with Khuza'ah, living west and southwest of Medina
and among Muhammad's earliest backers after his arrival in Medina. Cf. Watt,
Muhammad at Medina, 8zff.

42. Lit., "that I was certain of victory."

43. Cf. Diyarbakri, II, 169; Nuwayri, 36-37.

What Took Place between the Muhajirun and the Ansar 9

dislocated."44 At this Sa'd took hold of 'Umar's beard and said,

"By God, if you remove a single hair from it you'll return with
no front teeth in your mouth." Then Abu Bakr said, "Take it
easy, 'Umar; compassion45 would be more effective at this
point." So 'Umar turned away from him. Sa'd said, "By God,
if I had the strength to get up, you would have heard from me in
the regions and streets [of Medina], roaring in a way that would
make you and your companions take cover; by God, I shall join
to you a group among whom you46 would be a follower, not a
leader. [Now] carry me from this place." So they carried him and
took him into his house. He was left for several days; then47 [1844]
he was sent to [and told] that he should come to render the oath
of allegiance, for the people [generally] had done so and his tribe
as well. But he said, "By God, I shall not do it, before I have
shot at you with whatever arrows are in my quiver, and have
reddened the head of my spear, and struck you with my sword,
as long as my hand controls it. I will fight you with my family
and those who obey me of my tribe. I swear by God, [even] if the
jinn gathered to you with the people,48 I would not render the
oath of allegiance to you, until I am brought forth49 before my
God and know what my reckoning is."

When Abu Bakr was informed of this, 'Umar said to him,

"Pester him until he renders the oath of allegiance." But Bashir
b. Sa'd said, "He has refused; he has made up his mind, and
wouldn't render the oath of allegiance to you even if he were

44. Reading 'adudaka with Cairo edition and Emendanda, instead of the
text's 'idwaka "your limb." The emendation does not solve all the problems in
the text, however, as the context immediately before and after the word refers to
Sa'd's head (e.g., "if you remove a single hair from it"), not his arms. In view of
this, one might expect here that 'Umar may have threatened to break Sa'd's neck
(i.e., dislocate his head?).

45. Or, perhaps, "gentleness" or "tact": rifq.

46. Reading with Emendanda, instead of "among whom I was a follower" in
the text.

47. Ibn Sa'd, III/z, 144, 11. provides a close parallel to the remainder of
this paragraph and the following one.

48. An echo of the Qur’anic "men and jinn," meaning all creatures (e.g.,
Qur’an 17:88); a loose English rendering might be something like "even if man
and beast joined in supporting you."

49. Reading u'radu with Ibn Abl al-Hadid, I, 303; Nuwayri, 37; and Cairo ed.

IO

The Conquest of Arabia

killed; and he would not be killed without his children and
family and a party of his kinsmen being killed with him. So
leave him alone; leaving him won't harm you, he is only one
man,"50 So they left him alone. They came to accept the advice
of Bashir b. Sa'd, consulting him whenever it seemed right to
them to do so.

Sa'd51 [b. 'Ubadahj used not to pray in their [daily] prayer
or congregate with them [for Friday prayer]; he performed the
pilgrimage [to Mecca] but did not press on with them in the
multitudes.52 He continued thus until Abu Bakr died.

According to 'Ubaydallah b. Sa'd53 — his uncle — Sayf b. 'Umar
— Sahl and Abu 'Uthman — al-Dahhak b. Khalifah: When al-
liubab b. al-Mundhir stood up, he drew his sword and said, "I
am their much-rubbed little rubbing post and their propped little
palm tree loaded with fruit.54 I am [like] the father of a cub in
the lion's den, related to the lion [as son to father]." Then 'Umar
attacked him, striking his hand so that the sword dropped out,
[1845] and picked it up. Then he pounced upon Sa'd [b. 'Ubadah]; and
they all fell upon him. The people rendered the oath of alle¬
giance successively [to Abu Bakr]; and Sa'd rendered the oath of
allegiance. It was an action taken without consideration, like
those of the jdhiliyyah.55 Abu Bakr stood up before them. Some¬
one said, when Sa'd was being trampled, "You have killed Sa'd,"
to which 'Umar replied, "God killed him, for he is a hypocrite";
and 'Umar struck the sword on a stone, breaking it.56

50. Ibn Abi al-Hadid, I, 292, has a similar phrase, but applied to 'All b. Abi
Talib as the one holding out against Abu Bakr.

51. Cf. Diyarbakri, II, 169.

52. Referring to the multitudes surging to and from 'Arafah during the
culmination of the pilgrimage rituals on the eighth-tenth days of the month of
Dhu al-Hijjah.

53. Text has Sa'Id; cf. Emendanda, Cairo edition, manuscript C of Leiden
edition.

54. Cf. p. 6, above.

55. The pejorative term for the pre-Islamic age in Islamic historiography;
roughly "age of barbarism," i.e., before the enlightenment of Islam had arrived.

56. The text is difficult, but similar passages help clarify the meaning. In Ibn
Abi al-Hadid, I, 315, 'Umar seizes the sword of al-Zubayr b. al-'Awwam as he is
about to recognize 'All b. Abi Talib and breaks it on a stone; in Ibn Abi al-Hadid,
I, 291, and Nuwayri, 39, al-Zubayr's sword is taken away and broken on a rock at

What Took Place between the Muhajirun and the Ansar 1 1

According to 'Ubaydallah b. Sa'd57— his uncle Ya'qub— Sayf—
Mubashshir— Jabir:58 Sa'd b. 'Ubadah said to Abu Bakr on that
day, "Oh company of Muhajirun, you begrudge me sovereignty
(i al-imarah ), and you and my tribe have compelled me to render
the oath of allegiance." At this they replied, "If we had com¬
pelled you to division and then you had come to unity [jam a 'ah]

[of your own accord] you would be in a comfortable position; but
we forced [youj to unity, so there is no going back on it.59 If you
withdraw a hand from obedience, or divide the union, we will
strike off your head."60

According to 'Ubaydallah b. Sa'd61— his uncle— Sayf; and ac¬
cording to al-Sari b. Yahya— Shu'ayb b. Ibrahim— Sayf b. 'Umar
— Ibn Damrah— his father— 'Asim b. 'Adi: Two days after the
Apostle of God's death, Abu Bakr's public crier called out so that
the mission [ba'th] of Usamah62 could be completed: "Up now!

No one from Usamah's army should remain in Medina, but
should go out to his camp at al-Jurf."63 And [Abu BakrJ stood up
among the people, praised and extolled God, and said,64 "Oh
people, I am like you. I do not know, perhaps you will impose on
me that which the Apostle of God was able to do. God chose
Muhammad above [all] the worlds and protected him from evils;
but I am only a follower, not an innovator ( mubtadi '). If I am [1846]
upright, then follow me; but, if I deviate, straighten me out.65
The Apostle of God died with no one of this community having

'Umar’s request when al-Zubayr wants to recognize 'All; in Diyarbakri, II, 169
(from Musa b. 'Uqbah), 'Umar breaks al-Zubayr’s sword when he refuses to
recognize Abu Bakr. Cf. Caetant, 515-16.

57. See note 53, above.

58. Cf. Nuwayri, 38.

59. Lit., "there is no cancellation in it." The concept of jama'ah, or polrtical
unity of the Muslrm community, was from the start an important one m Islamic
political discourse.

60. Lit., "we will strike off that in which are your eyes"; cf. Lane, V, 1115.

61. See note 33, above.

62. Usamah b. Zayd, the Prophet's freedman, was sent by him to raid the
Balqa’ region of southern Syria just before the Prophet's final illness overtook
him; cf. Ibn Hisham, 970, 999; Waqidi, Maghazi, 1117K.

6 3. A place three miles from Medina in the direction of Syria (Yaqut, s.v.).

64. For widely divergent "accession speeches" of Abu Bakr, see Ibn Hisham,
1017; Ibn Abi al-Hadid, I, 314; Ibn Sa'd, III/ 1, 129.

63. Cf. Ibn Abi al-Hadid, I, 314.

IZ

The Conquest of Arabia

a claim against him concerning anything wrongfully taken [for
which the punishment would be) one lash of the whip or [even]
less. I have a Satan who takes possession of me; so when he
comes to me, avoid me so that I may have no [evil] effect [even]
on your hair and your skins.66 You come and go [in this life] at
an appointed time, knowledge of which is hidden from you; so if
you are able [to ensure] that this appointed time elapses only
while you are engaged in good works, do so. But you will only be
able to do that through God; so compete in putting off your
appointed times, before your appointed times surrender you to
the interruption of [your] works. Verily, a tribe that forgets their
appointed times, and lets others do the [good] deeds — beware
being like them. Haste! Hurry! Salvation! For behind you is one
who searches swiftly, an appointed time whose passage is rapid.
Beware of death; be forewarned by [your deceased] fathers and
sons and brothers, and do not envy the living except on account
of that for which you envy the dead."

He also stood up and said, after praising and extolling God:
"God only accepts those works through which His countenance
was desired; so strive for God in your works. Know that what¬
ever you sincerely direct to God is among your [good] works:
obedience you have rendered, or a sin you have overcome, or
taxes you have paid,67 or a good work you have sent forward
from ephemeral days to others that endure, to the time of your
poverty and need.68 Servants of God, be forewarned by whoever
[1847] among you has died, and think on those who were before you.
Where were they yesterday, and where are they today?69 Where
are the tyrants, and where are those who were renowned for
fighting and victory on the fields of war? Time has abased them,
and they have become decayed bones upon whom have been
perpetuated gossip — "loathsome women for the loathsome men,
and loathsome men for the loathsome women."70 Where are the
kings who tilled the earth and cultivated it? They have perished,
and mention of them is forgotten, and they have become as

66. I.e., so that I may not harm you in any way.

67. Daraib ataytamuha.

68. I.e., to the Day of Judgment.

69. On this theme see C. H. Becker, "Ubi sunt, qui ante nos in mundo fuere."

70. Qur’an 2.4 \z6.

What Took Place between the Muhajirun and the Ansar 13

nothing; but God has preserved the consequences [of their evil
deeds] against them and cut them off from the desires [of this
world], and they have passed away. The deeds [they did] are [still
reckoned] their works, but the world is the world of others. We
remained after them; and, if we take warning from them, we
will be saved, but, if we are deceived by them, we will be like
them. Where are the pure ones with beautiful faces, captivating
in their youthfulness? They have become dust, and what they
neglected to do before has become a source of grief for them.

Where are those who built cities and fortified them with walls
and made in them wondrous things? They have left them to
those who follow after them; those are their residences, empty,71
while they [themselves] are in the darkness of the grave. "Do
you perceive any one of them, or hear a sound from them?"72
Where are those sons and brethren of yours whom you know,
whose appointed times have elapsed? They have arrived accord¬
ing to what they had sent forward, alighting upon it and abiding
for misery or happiness after death. Between God, Who has no
associate, and between [any] one of His creatures there is no
means of access by which He may grant him grace or divert evil
from him — unless it be through obedience to Him and following
His command. Know that you are requited servants73 and that
what is with Him is only attained through obedience to Him.

What seems good is not good if its consequence is [helljfire, and
what seems evil is not evil if its consequence is paradise."74

'Ubaydallah b. Sa'd75 — his uncle — Sayf; al-Sarl — Shu'ayb — [1848]
Sayf — Hisham b. 'Urwah — his father:76 After the oath of alle¬
giance had been rendered to Abu Bakr and the Ansar had come
together on the matter over which they had differed, he said that
Usama's mission should be completed. Now the Arabs77 had

71. A paraphrase of Qur’an 27:52.

72. Qur’an 19:98.

73. Cf. Quran 37:53.

74. Lit., “There is no good in a good thing that is followed by [helllfire," etc.

75. See note 53, above.

7 6. Cf. Caetani, 588—89. Close parallels to the following section (through
p. 17) are found in Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 334-36; and Nuwayri, 46-47.

77. Here and a few lines farther on, the word al-'aiab seems to have the sense
of "nomads, bedouins"; see comments on this word in the Foreword.

The Conquest of Arabia

M

apostasized, either generally or as particular individuals in every
tribe. Hypocrisy appeared, and the Jews and Christians began to
exalt themselves, and the Muslims were like sheep on a cold and
rainy night because of the loss of their Prophet and because of
their fewness and the multitude of their enemy.78 So the people
said to (Abu Bakr), "These79 are the majority of the Muslims.
The Arabs, as you see, have mutinied against you, so you should
not separate the troop of Muslims from yourself." At this Abu
Bakr replied, "By Him in Whose hands is Abu Bakr's soul, even
if I thought that beasts of prey would snatch me away, I would
carry out the sending of Usama just as the Apostle of God
ordered. Even if there remained in the villages no one but my¬
self, I would carry it out."

'Ubaydallah — his uncle — Sayf; and al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf—
Atiyyah — Abu Ayyub — 'AH; and al-Dahhak — Ibn 'Abbas: Then
some of the tribes who had been absent in the year of [the truce
of] al-Hudaybiyah gathered about Medina and rose in rebellion.
The people of Medina had gone out in the army of Usama,- so
Abu Bakr detained80 whoever remained of those tribes that had
made hijrah within their territories,81 so that they became
armed outposts ( masdlih ) around their tribes, but they were few.

[1849] 'Ubaydallah — his uncle — Sayf; and al-Sari— Shu'ayb — Sayf —

Abu Damrah, Abu 'Amr, and others — al-Hasan b. Abu al-Hasan
al-Basrl:82 Before his death, the Apostle of God had imposed a
campaign on the people of Medina and those in their vicinity,
among them 'Umar b. al-Khattab. He had put Usamah b. Zayd
in charge of them, but the last of them had not yet crossed the

78. Cf. Balansi, 1, where this phrase is related on the authority of Ibn Ishaq —
'A’ishah; cf. also Ibn al-Athlr, Kamil, II, 334; Baladhuri, Futuh, 95; Diyarbakri, II,
201.

79. I.e., those assigned to the army of Usamah b. Zayd.

80. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 334, following Mss. C and B of Tabari, has "formed
[them) into an army."

81. The text refers to the act of joining the Muslim community, which in the
early days was done by emigrating to and settling in Medina. This procedure was
called hijrah. At some point, the Prophet seems to have allowed certain tribes to
become recognized members of the community without making hijrah in
Medina. On hijrah as emigration to a place or to a powerful group in order to
secure its protection, see Robert Bertram Serjeant and Ronald Lewcock, Sana,
ch. 5. "San'a’ the 'Protected/ Hijrah,” pp. 39-43.

82. Cf. Nuwayri, 47-48; Caetani, 589-91.

What Took Place between the Muhajirun and the Ansar 15

ditch83 when the Apostle of God passed away. So Usamah
stopped with the army84 and said to 'Umar, "Return to the
caliph of the Apostle of God and ask his permission for me to
return with the army; for the chiefs of the army are with me
along with their forces,85 and I am uneasy lest the polytheists
snatch away the caliph and the Apostle of God's household and
the households of the Muslims." The Ansar added, "And if he
insists that we proceed, convey to him our request that he
appoint in command of us a man older than Usamah." So 'Umar
went out on Usamah's order and came to Abu Bakr and informed
him of what Usamah had said. Abu Bakr replied, "Even if the
dogs and wolves were to snatch me off, I would not reverse a
decision the Apostle of God had made." Then 'Umar said, "The
Ansar ordered me to inform you that they would like to request
that you put in charge of them a man older than Usamah."

At this Abu Bakr sprang up — he had been seated — and seized
'Umar's beard, saying, "May your mother be bereft of you and
destitute of you, Ibn al-Khattab! The Apostle of God appointed
him, and you order me to dismiss him?" So 'Umar returned to
the army. They said to him, "What did you do?" And he replied,
"Proceed, may your mothers be bereft of you! I didn't receive
[anything] for your cause from the caliph."

Then86 Abu Bakr went out until he reached them; he made [1850]
them go forth, and he followed after them on foot while Usamah
was riding and 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Awf87 led Abu Bakr's mount.

Usamah said to him, "By God, oh caliph of the Apostle of God,
either you ride or I shall dismount." But Abu Bakr said, "By
God, don't dismount; nor, by God, will I ride. It will not hurt me
to get my two feet dusty for an hour in God's way; but, for each

83. The ditch on the edge of Medina, dug during the siege by Quraysh in a h
7. Cf. Watt, Muhammad at Medina, 35ff.

84. Or perhaps "the people" [al-nas], here and later in the paragraph.
Diyarbakri, II, 114, states that all the notables {wujuh) of the Muhajirun and
An§ar went on the raid.

85. The editor of text suggests aw julluhum "or most of them" for wa
hadduhum-, NuwayrI has wahdahum "by themselves."

86. Cf. San'anI, V, 199-100 (no. 9375).

87. An early convert from Banu Zuhra of Quraysh. Cf. El1, s.v. '"Abd al-
Rahman b. 'Awf" (M. Th. Houtsma — W. M. Watt).

The Conquest of Arabia

16

step the warrior takes, seven hundred beauties are destined for
him, and seven hundred steps88 are made visible to him, and
seven hundred sins are lifted from him.” Until, when he was
done, (Abu Bakr) said to {Usamah): "If you think you might help
me out [by lending me the services of] 'Umar, then do so.” So
Usamah gave him permission to do that.89 Then (Abu Bakr) said,
"Oh army, stop and I will order you [to do] ten [things]; learn
them from me by heart. You shall not engage in treachery; you
shall not act unfaithfully; you shall not engage in deception; you
shall not indulge in mutilation; you shall kill neither a young
child nor an old man nor a woman,- you shall not fell palm trees
or bum them; you shall not cut down [any] fruit-bearing tree;
you shall not slaughter a sheep or a cow or a camel except for
food. You will pass people who occupy themselves in monks'
cells;90 leave them alone, and leave alone what they busy them¬
selves with. You will come to a people who will bring you
vessels in which are varieties of food; if you eat anything91 from
[those dishes], mention the name of God over them. You will
meet a people who have shaven the middle of their head and
have left around it [a ring of hair] like turbans;92 tap them
lightly with the sword. Go ahead, in God's name; may God
make you perish through wounds and plague!”93

88. Reference to the steps or stages to, and the beautiful companions in,
paradise.

89. That is, Usamah allowed 'Umar to remain behind with Abu Bakr in
Medina, rather than marching on the campaign.

90. Al-San'ani, V, 199-200 (no. 9375), has "people who allege that they
imprison themselves" (i.e., as monks, for God).

91. The text reads shay' an ba'da shay' in "something after something," but
this may be a conflation of two separate variant readings: shay'an "a thing" and
ba'da shay' in "some thing."

92. Reference to a monk's tonsure.

93. The text is difficult; Ibn al-Athir's version, Kamil, II, 336, is identical, and
both are closely paralleled by San'ani, V, 199-200 (no. 9375). Although these
passages are in substantial agreement that Muslims should smite shaven-headed
monks with the sword, they do not fit the larger context of the accounts in
which they occur, in which Abu Bakr warns the Muslim warriors not to abuse
certain categories of people, including monks in their cells, thus directly
contradicting the passage in question. San'ani, V, 200 (no. 9377: — Ma'mar — al-
Zuhri), may preserve a more accurate version: "You will find people who have
shaved their heads with the sword, and those who lock themselves up in cells:
leave them alone in their sins." The sentence about wounds and plague, missing

What Took Place between the Muhajirun and the Ansar 17

According to al-Sari— Shu'ayb— Sayf ; and according to 'Ubayd- [1851]
allah — his uncle — Sayf — Hisham b. 'Urwah — his father:94 Abu
Bakr went out to al-Jurf and followed Usamah and sent him off.

He asked Usamah for 'Umar [b. al-Khattab], which he agreed to.

He told Usamah, "Do what the Prophet of God ordered you to
do: Begin with the Quda'ah95 country, then go to Abil.96 Do not
fall short in anything that the Apostle of God commanded, but
do not hurry because of what you have not [yet] attained of his
injunction." So Usamah advanced quickly to Dhu al-Marwah97
and the valley98 and ended up doing what the Prophet had
ordered him to do by way of dispersing horsemen among the
Quda'ah tribes and raiding Abil. He took captives and booty,
and his completion [of the mission] was within forty days, ex¬
cepting [the time of] his encampment and his return.99

According to al-Sari b. Yahya— Shu'ayb— Sayf, and according
to 'Ubaydallah— his uncle— Sayf— Musa b. 'Uqbah— al-Mughi-

in Nuwayri's account, is Abu Bakr's backhanded way of wishing that all the
warriors might attain paradise, as according to Islamic law those who die
fighting the infidel and those who die from plague are deemed martyrs whose
place in paradise is assured. E. Landau-Tasseron observes that this "blessing" is a
reference to the prophetic hadith, "My community will vanish through wounds
and plague" (personal communication). Caetani, 590-91, observes that variants
of this speech appear in topos-like fashion in several other contexts and ascribed
to different speakers.

94. Cf. Diyarbakri, II, 154-55; Nuwayri, 49; Caetani, 591.

95. A group of tribes living north of Medina as far as Syria, including Juhayna,
'Udhrah, Bali, Bahra’, Kalb, al-Qayn (Bal-Qayn), Tanukh, Salih, and Sa'd
Hudhaym, as well as Nahd and farm in South Arabia and 'Uman. See El2, s.v.
"Kuda'a" (M. J. Kister); Caskel, II, 470.

96. Diyarbakri, II, 154; Waqidi, Maghazi, uiyff.; and Yaqut, s.v. "Ubna" call
this place Ubna. De Goeje argued that the name Ubna was a corruption of Abil,
referring to the ancient town of Abila in Gaulanitis: Ibn Rusfah ( BGA, VII), 329
note c. Robert Schick, The Fate of the Christians of Palestine, s.v. "Abil," cites
Tabari, I, 2081, which places Abil in association with Ziza’ and Qasfal during the
conquest of the Balqa’ region of Syria; on this basis he argues that Abil in these
accounts of the conquest is not Abila at all but a corruption of Arabic Ubna,
which he therefore localizes near the other two places, just south of modern
'Amman. Yaqut places Ubna in the Balqa’, near Mu’tah.

97. A village in Wadi al-Qura "the valley of villages," north of Medina (Yaqut,
s.v. "al-Marwah").

98. Presumably Wadi al-Qura.

99. Diyarbakri, II, 155: Usamah raids Quda'ah as far as Mu’tah, then raids
people of Ubna; takes booty and captives; kills the killer of his father, Zayd; and
returns within forty days.

i8

The Conquest of Arabia

rah b. al-Akhnas; and according to the two of them — Sayf —
'Amr b. Qays — 'Ata’ al-Khurasani: a similar account.

Remainder of the Account Regarding al-AnsI the

Liar100

According to what we have learned, when Badham101 and the
Yemen embraced Islam, the Apostle of God placed in Badham's
hands the governorship of all the Yemen, putting him in charge
of all its districts; and he continued to be the Apostle's governor
all the days of his life. The Apostle did not dismiss him from
it or from any part of it, nor did he place in it any associate
with him, until Badham died. After he died, the Apostle divided
governorship of the Yemen among a group of his companions.

According to 'Ubaydallah b. Said102 al-Zuhr! — his uncle —
[1852] Sayf; and according to al-Sari b. Yahya — Shu'ayb b. Ibrahim —
Sayf — Sahl b. Yusuf — his father — 'Ubayd b. Sakhr b. Lawdhan
al-Ansari al-Salml (who was one of those whom the Prophet sent
with the governors of Yemen):103 in the year 10, after he had
performed the "completion pilgrimage"104 [and after] Badham
had died, the Prophet accordingly divided up his governorship
among the following: Shahr b. Badham, 'Amir b. Shahr al-Ham-

100. For the beginning of this account, see Tabari, I, 1795ft-/ tr. I. K.
Poonawala, The History of al-Tabari, IX, r64ff. A parallel version of this segment
as far as p. 34, is found m Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 336-41; another as far as p. 2,0,
is in Nuwayri, 50-51. Tabari returns to the riddah in Yemen, p. 158, below. The
rebel's cognomen was "al-Aswad" ("the black one"); his tribe, 'Ans b. Malik,
was a settled tribe of Madhhij living mainly in the northern highlands of Yemen
and in part near Najran; cf. Caskel, II, 190. On his proper name, see note 172,
below.

101. One of the Abna’ ("sons"), descendants of Persians sent to Yemen around
A.D 570 by the Sasanian king Khusraw Anushirwan. Balansi, infra-, Ibn al-Athir,
Kamil, and Ibn al-Athir, Usd, I, 163, give his name as Badhan; Baladhuri, Futuh,
io5ff., has Badham. On the name (properly Badhan) see fusti, 56.

102. See note 53, above.

103. Cf. Diyarbakri, II, 153.

104. Hijjat al-tamam, presumably another term for the Prophet's last
pilgrimage of the year AH 10, more usually called the "farewell pilgrimage"
( hijjat al-wada), during which he is reported to have said, "Today I have
completed for you your faith." It is apparently also called "pilgrimage of Islam"
[hijjat al-isldm ). I thank E. Landau-Tasseron for clarifying the relationship of
these terms (personal communication).

The Account Regarding al-'Ansi the Liar

1 9

darn,105 Abdallah b. Qays Abu Musa al-Ash'arl, 106 Khalid b.
Sa'id b. al-As,107 al-Tahir b. Abi Halah,108 Ya'la b. Umayyah,109
and Amr b. Hazm;110 and over the Hadramawt country Ziyad
b. Labid al-Bayadl;111 and 'Ukkashah b. Thawr b. Asghar al-
Ghawthi112 over the Sakasik, Sakun, and Muawiyah b. Kin-
dah.113 And he sent Mu'adh b. Jabal114 as teacher to the people
of the countries of Yemen and Hadramawt.

According to 'Ubaydallah— his uncle— Sayf b. 'Umar— Abu
Amr, mawla of Ibrahim b. Talhah— 'Ubadah b. Qurs b.
'Ubadah b.115 Qurs al-Laythi: The Prophet returned to Medina
after completing the pilgrimage of Islam,116 having arranged the
government of the Yemen. He divided it among [a number
of] men, making each man unchallenged in his territory. He
arranged [also] the command of Hadramawt, dividing it among

105. Ibn al-Athir, Usd, III, 83, says merely that he was a Yemeni tribesman,
one of the Prophet's governors of Yemen, who later settled in al-Kufah.

106. Yemeni tribesman who came to the Prophet in 7/628; he later had an
important military and political career. See El2, s.v. "Al-Ash'ari, Abu Musa"
(L. Veccia Vaglien).

107. An Umayyad of Quraysh, one of the earliest Muslims; the Prophet sent
him to Yemen as a collector of taxes with the Yemeni convert Farwah b.
Musayk. He later had a controversial military and political career. See El2, s.v.
"Khalid b. Sa'id" (H. Loucel).

108. Son of the Prophet's first wife, Khadijah, considered a member of the
tribe of Tamim, which was allied with the 'Abd al-Dar clan of Quraysh; Ibn
al-Athir, Usd, III, 50. Diyarbakrl, II, 153, omits his name from the list.

109. A Tamimi, ally of the Banu Nawfal of Quraysh, who embraced Islam at
the conquest of Mecca. This passage and another from Sayf (p. 158, below)
suggest that he was sent to Yemen by the Prophet, but Ibn al-Athir, Usd, V,
128-29; Ibn Hajar, Isabab, s.v.; and even another account by Sayf (Tabari, I,
2162) suggest that he may not have gone to Yemen until the time of AbQ Bakr or
'Umar.

no. He seems to have been a Khazraji of Banu al-Najjar from Medina; cf.
Caskel, I, Table r86, II, 176. However, ihn al-Athir, Usd, IV, 98-99, provides
several alternative genealogies for him.

in. A Khazraji from Medina, he emigrated to Mecca and embraced Islam
before the Prophet's hijrah to Medina; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, II, 217; Ibn Sa'd, III/2,
131.

1 1 2. Other sources add nothing to what is given here by Sayf.

1 13. Three tribes of Hadramawt, genealogically subdivisions of Kindah but at
this time politically independent; cf. Caskel, I, Table 233, II, 413, 503.

1 14. An early Medinan convert to Islam renowned for his religious knowledge;
Ibn Sa'd, III/2, 120-26.

115. Reading ibn for 'an, following Emendanda.

1 16. Hijjat al-islam-, cf. note 104, above.

20

The Conquest of Arabia

three [persons], each one of whom he made unchallenged in his
territory. Over Najran117 he appointed Amr b. Hazm; Khalid b.
Sa'Id b. al-As he appointed over what was between Najran
and Rima' and Zabid;118 'Amir b. Shahr he appointed over
Hamdan; 119 over $an'a’, [he placed] Ibn Badham; over Akk and
the Ash'aris,120 [he placed] al-Tahir b. Abi Halah; over Ma’rib,121
[he placed] Abu Musa al-Ash'ari; and over al-Janad,122 (he
placed] Ya'la b. Umayyah. Mu'adh [b. Jabal] was the teacher,
[1853] who used to make the rounds in the district of each governor of
the Yemen and Hadramawt.123 And [the Prophet] appointed to
the governorships of Hadramawt: 'Ukkashah b. Thawr over the
Sakasik and Sakun; over Mu'awiyah b. Kindah, Abdallah124 or
al-Muhajir,125 who then fell ill and did not go until Abu Bakr
sent him;126 and over Hadramawt127 [he appointed] Ziyad b.

117. An important town on the northern edge of the Yemen, renowned for its
Christian population on the eve of Islam; cf. Yaqut, s.v.

1 18. Zabid was the main town of the Yemeni Tihamah or coastal plain,
situated about 100 km north of the Bab al-Mandab. According to Baladhuri,
Futuh, 105, Khalid (or al-Muhajir b. Abi Umayyah?) governed San'a’. Ibn al-
Athir, Kamil, II, 336, does not mention Rima', a valley leading down to the Red
Sea coast about 20 km north of the city of Zabid and its valley (cf. Yaqut, s.v.
"Zabid"; Hamdani, 71; TAVO B VII i; Wilson, 31).

1 19. Large tribe and territory north of San'a’: El1, s.v. "Hamdan" |J. Schlei-
fer— W. M. Watt); TAVO B VII r.

no. Ash'ar was a tribe of the Tihamah coastal plain located between Mukhah
(Mocha) and Zabid; 'Akk lived in the Tihamah north of Ash'ar. Cf. Caskel, II,
130, 200; El2, s.v. "'Akk" (W. Caskel).

i2i. Important town on the eastern desert edge of the Yemeni highlands, ca.
140km due east of San'a’ {TAVO B VII 1); in antiquity the capital of the kingdom
of Saba’ (Sheba).

121. Large town in Yemen about 200 km due south of San'a’ and, with San'a’
and Hadramawt, normally one of the three administrative seats of southwestern
Arabia (Yaqut, s.v.).

123. I.e., to teach Qur’an and prayer?

124. Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI, 146, proposed that this was Abu Musa al-
Ash'ari; note, however, that Abu Musa figures as governor of Ma’rib in the
immediately preceding list.

125. Baladhuri, Futuh, ioj, identifies this as al-Muhajir b. Abi Umayyah; he
was of the Makhzum clan of Quraysh and full brother of the Prophet's wife
Umm Salamah (Ibn al-Athlr, Usd, IV, 322-23).

126. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 336-37, suggests that this refers to the Prophet's
illness, having delayed the dispatch of the governor.

127. I.e., over the valley of Hadramawt proper, as opposed to the whole
province of the same name?

The Account Regarding al-Ansi the Liar

zi

Labid al-Bayadi, who assumed [alsoj the governorate of al-
Muhajir. So, when the Apostle of God died, these were his
governors over the Yemen and Hadramawt, excepting those who
had been killed in fighting al-Aswad or had [otherwise] died —
those being Badham, who died and because of [whose death] the
Prophet divided up his governorate, and his son Shahr b. Bad¬
ham, against whom al-Aswad marched to fight him, killing him.

This account was [also] related to me according to al-Sari —

Shu'ayb b. Ibrahim — Sayf — Abu Amr, mawla of Ibrahim b.

Talhah; then the rest of the account was according to his isnad
like the account of Ibn Sa'd128 al-Zuhri.

According to al-San — Shu'ayb b. Ibrahim — Sayf — Talhah b.
al-A'lam — 'Ikrimah — Ibn 'Abbas: The first ones who resisted
al-'Ansi and tried to match his numbers129 were Amir b. Shahr
al-Hamdanl,130 in his district, and Fayruz and Dadhawayh131 in
their districts. Then there followed those who had been assigned
commands.

According to 'Ubaydallah b. Sa'd132 — his uncle — Sayf; and
according to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Sahl b. Yusuf — his father
— 'Ubayd b. $akhr:133 While we were in al-Janad,134 having [1854]
laid out for them what [conditions] were necessary and having
drawn up agreements between us, a letter arrived from al-
Aswad. [It said:] "Oh you who are marching against us: Grasp
firmly against us that which you have taken of our land, and
hold back that which you have gathered, for we are more en¬
titled to it, as long as you are [in the situation] you are." So
we asked the messenger from where he had come. He replied:

128. Reading with Cairo edition and Emendanda-, text has Sa'id.

129. Text: katharahu) Ibn al-Athlr, Usd, III, 83, has kabaiahu "strove to.
overcome him," which makes more sense. Cf. Caetani, 678.

130. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 337, says it was Shahr, not 'Amir b. Shahr.

13 1. Both were of the Abna’ and embraced Islam under the Prophet; cf. Ibn
Sa'd, V, 389-90. The names are of Middle Persian origin, cf. F. fusti, Iranisches
Namenbuch, too, 247 (s.v. Peroz) and 75-76 (s.v. Dadhoe).

132. See note 53, above.

133. Cf. Nuwayri, 51-53 (to p. 25); al-Mas'udl, 276-77; Caetani, 678-80.

134. Reading with Cairo ed. and Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI, 146, for "with the
army" given in the text.

2.2.

The Conquest of Arabia

"From the cave of Khubban."135 Then he directed himself
toward Najran until he took it ten [days] after coming out [in
rebellion], and the bulk of Madhhij submitted to him.136 So,
while we were taking care of our business and gathering our
force, someone came to us and said, "This al-Aswad is in
Sha ub."137 Shahr b. Badham had gone out against him twenty
days after the beginning [of his revolt], and while we were
awaiting the news of who would be defeated, we learned that (al-
Aswad) had killed Shahr and routed the Abna’138 and taken
possession of San'a’, twenty-five days from his uprising.
Mu'adh [b. Jabal] fled until he passed by Abu Musa while he
was in Ma’rib, and the two then rushed to Hadramawt.139
Mu'adh settled among the Sakun, and Abu Musa among the
Sakasik that are adjacent to al-Mufawwur,140 with the desert
between them and Ma’rib. The other commanders withdrew to
al-Tahir [b. Abi Halah], except for 'Amr and Khalid,141 who
returned to Medina. Al-Tahir at that time was in the midst of
the 'Akk country, facing $an'a’.142 Al-Aswad subdued [the
territory] between $ayhad — the desert of Hadramawt143 — to

135. Yaqut, s.v. "Khubban," evidently on the basis of this report or one like it,
describes it as a village in a valley of the same name near Najran. Cf. Al-
Hamdani, 10 1, on wadi Khubban.

136. Or "aided him": tabaqahu , but the verb often has a sexual connotation;
cf. Ibn Manzur, X, 21 1. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 337, has "followed him." Cf.
Diyarbakri, II, 155, bottom; Balansi, 15 iff. Madhhij was a large tribe or tribal
confederation of the Yemen, which later played an important role in the Islamic
conquests in Egypt and Syria. Cf. £/2, s.v, "Madhhidj" (C. E. Bosworth — G. R.
Smith).

137. Yaqut, s.v.: a high fortress near San a’.

138. Cf. note 101, above; Baladhuri, Futuh, 105.

139. Diyarbakri, II, 15 6, 11. 9-10.

140. The editor notes that the reading is uncertain. Kosegarten offered
"Azfur." Neither al-Mufawwar nor Azfur was known to Hamdani or Yaqut.
NuwayrI omitted the phrase.

14 1. I.e., 'Amr b. Hazm and Khalid b. Sa'id. Diyarbakri, II, 156 1. 10, has "'Amr
b. Khalid."

142. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 337, has "in the mountains of San'a’." Neither
reading is entirely satisfactory from the point of view of content, as the 'Akk
lived not near San'a’ but in the Tihamah coastal region; cf. two sentences farther
on in text and note 120, above.

143. Text, Nuwayri, 52, and all manuscripts read s.h.y.d, and Cairo ed. has
Sahid, but this must refer to the well-known desert district. Cf. p. 182, below,

The Account Regarding al-'Ansi the Liar 23

the province of al-Ta’if [to the north], to al-Bahrayn in the
direction of Aden.144 The Yemen submitted to him, while the [1855]
'Akk in the Tihamah were resisting him, and [his movement]
began to advance like wildfire. The day he met Shahr [in battle]
he had with him seven hundred horsemen, in addition to the
camel riders; his commanders were Qays b. Abd Yaghuth al-
Muradi,145 Mu'awiyah b. Qays al-Janbl,146 Yazid b. M.h.r.m.,

Yazid b. Husayn al-Harithi, and Yazid b. al-Afkal al-Azdi.147 His
rule became stable; his order was considered harsh. Some of the
coastal districts submitted to him— Jazan [and] Athr and al-
Sharjah and al-Hirdah and Ghalafiqah and Aden;148 and al-Janad

where Sayf describes "s.h.y.d" as "the desert between Ma’rib and Hadramawt" —
i.e., Sayhad. Cf. Hamdani, index; and Ibn Manzur, III, 2.60.

144. Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI, 14 6, notes that no place named al-Bahrayn is
known in the region of Aden. There seems to be some problem with the text
here. Perhaps it read "to al-Bahrayn and in the direction of Aden," so that
al-Bahrayn could be taken to refer to the well-known district of that name in
eastern Arabia, for the sentence seems at this point to be enumerating regions
beyond the Yemen highlands that were following al-Aswad. Cf. Nuwayri, 50,
who states that al-Aswad overcame the area from San a’ to 'Uman to al-Ta’if—
i.e., the whole southern half of the Arabian peninsula. Cf. also note 148, below.
Although in Islamic times the term "al-Bahrayn" came to be used for the whole
east Arabian littoral from the head of the Persian Gulf to 'Uman, in earlier usage
it referred to the largest oasis cluster of northeastern Arabia, ca. 60 km inland
from the coast near the modem country called al-Bahrayn. Its main center was
the oasis of Hajar. Cf. Thilo, s.v. "Bahrayn"; Wustenfeld, "Bahrein und Jemama,"
175-76.

145. Originally of the tribe of Bajilah, but an ally of the Murad clan of
Madhhij, for whom he became an important warrior. There is confusion about
his name, which sometimes appears as Qays b. Hubayra "al-Makshuh," Qays b.
'Abd Yaghuth b. Makshuh, or more commonly, simply Qays b. al-Makshuh: cf.
Baladhuri, Futuh, ioj-6; Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 337; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, IV, ’222,
227-28; p. 165, below; and Emendanda, where Qays b. Makshuh b. 'Abd
Yaghuth is proposed.

146. Caskel, II, 257, lists Janb as a group of Madhhij living near modern
Khamis Mushayt.

147. I have found no other references to any of these three Yazids.

148. Text has "Haz 'Athr." These places were along the Red Sea coast north of
Aden, as mentioned in Hamdani, 52, 11. 9-15, which even offers them in the
same sequence (in reverse) and clarifies that "Haz" and 'Athr (also 'Aththar; cf.
Hamdani, 54 1. 11 and index) are two places. There were several places named
Haz, Hazzah, etc., in Yemen; they seem to have been situated in the mountains,
not along the coast, but their names may have caused a copyist to corrupt the
name Jazan to "Haz." Cf. Hamdani, index, s.v. "Haz" (there misprinted as
"Jaz"!]; Wilson, 125-26. On Jazan (modem Jizan or Jayzan, in southern Saudi
Arabia) see El2, s.v. "Djayzan" (G. Rentz).

The Conquest of Arabia

and then $an'a’ to the province of al-Ta’if [and] to al-
Ahsiyah149 and 'Ulayb.150 The Muslims dealt with him out of
fear;151 the apostates dealt with him out of disbelief and turning
back from Islam. His lieutenant among Madhhij was 'Amr b.
Ma'dikarib.152 He based his command on a group of warriors;
as for the command of his army, it was in the hands of Qays b.
'Abd Yaghuth, and he put command of the Abna’ in charge
of Fayruz and Dadhawayh. Then, after he had made much
slaughter in the land, he made light of Qays and Fayruz and
Dadhawayh and married the wife of Shahr,153 who was Fayruz's
niece. [In Hadramawt]154 we were on the verge of Mu'adh's
marriage into the Banu Bakr, a clan of Sakun, to a woman named
Ramlah, whose maternal uncles were the Banu Zankil,155 so
[1856] that they had become fond of us because of his kinship [with
them]. Mu'adh admired her greatly; indeed he used to say
when he prayed to God, "Oh God, raise me up on Judgment Day
with the Sakun," and sometimes, "Oh God, be forgiving to

149. This toponym was unknown to Hamdani; Yaqut knew of it directly from
accounts of the riddah and related that, when al-Aswad expelled the Prophet's
governors in Yemen, Farwah b. Musayk, who had been the Prophet's governor
over the Murad clan, set up camp in al-Ahsiyah. This part of the text, however,
is suspiciously similar to a passage several lines earlier that also begins with the
phrase "to the province of al-Ta’if" (cf. note 144, above); one wonders whether
the otherwise unknown "al-Ahsiyah" is not actually a copyist's error for al-
Ahsa', the oasis district in the region of al-Bahrayn, and whether 'Ulayb — the
localization of which was evidently a problem for the geographers (see note 1 jo,
below) — is not an erroneous reading of 'Adan/Aden. Or should we, following the
principle of lectio difficilior, propose that the errors proceeded the other way
around, so that al-Ahsiyah and 'Ulayb came to be misread as al-Ahsa’ (then
revised to al-Bahrayn) and Aden? In any case, the possibility that one of these
phrases represents a dittography should be noted.

150. Apparently a place in the Tihamah (Yaqut, s.v.) or in the Sarat mountains
north of Yemen (Hamdani, 181 11. i2ff.), perhaps as far north as Mecca or
Medina. Nuwayri, 51, has "and elsewhere" ( wa-ghayriha ).

1 j 1. Reading taqiyya, with Emendanda, for baqiyya in the text and Nuwayri.

152. Leading chief, warrior, and poet of the Zubayd clan of Madhhij, said to
have embraced Islam in Medina shortly before the Prophet’s death; cf. Et1 s.v.
'"Amr b. Ma'dikarib" (C. Pellat); Caskel, II, 178.

153. Cf. Diyarbakri, II, 156 11. 11-12; Balansi, 151: al-Aswad marries the wife
of Shahr's father, Badhan.

154. At this point an enormous sentence has been broken into several parts in
the translation and the clauses rearranged.

155. Thus the text, but probably Zankabll; cf. Caskel, II, 605.

The Account Regarding al-'AnsI the Liar

2-5

Sakun." While we were in this state in Hadramawt and not free
from fear that al-Aswad might march against us or send an
army against us, or that some rebel might arise in Hadramawt
demanding what al-Aswad demanded, lo and behold, letters
reached us from the Prophet. In them he commanded us to send
men to seek out (al-Aswad) by deceit, or to assault him [openly],
and to tell about that, on the Prophet's behalf, everyone who
desired anything from him. Mu'adh accordingly undertook what
he was ordered to do, so that we grew powerful and became
confident of victory.

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf; and according to 'Ubayd-
allah — his uncle — Sayf— al-Mustanir b. Yazid — 'Urwah b. Gha-
ziyyah al-Dathxni — al-Dahhak b. Fayruz; and according to al-
Sari — Jushaysh156 b. al-Daylami; and according to TJbaydallah
b. Jushaysh b. al-Daylami:157 Wabr b. Yuhannis158 came to us
with the Prophet's letter, in which he ordered us to stand firm in
our religion159 and to rise up in war and to take action against
al-Aswad either by stealth or by brute force.160 [And he ordered]
that we inform on his behalf anyone whom we thought to be of
help and obedient; so we did accordingly, and we saw that the
matter was difficult. And we saw that (al-Aswad) was resentful
toward Qays b. 'Abd Yaghuth, who was in command of his
army. So we said [to ourselves] that (Qays) would be in fear for
his life, so he would be ready to be invited161 [to join our cause],
so we invited him, telling him of the matter and informing him
on the Prophet's behalf. It was as if we had descended upon him
from heaven while he was in perplexity and sadness over his
situation, so he responded [affirmatively] to what we wished in [1857]

156. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 338, and Kosegarten have "Jishnas"; but cf. Ibn
al-Athlr, Usd, I, 183, s.v. "Jushaysh al-Daylami." Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI, 146,
proposed Jushnas (< Middle Persian "Gushnasp"). Cf. Dhahabi, Mushtabih, 186.

157. Cf. Diyarbakri, II, 156-57, and Nuwayri, 53-58, for loose paraphrases of
this account as far as p. 33, below. Cf. also Caetani, 680-85.

158. One of the Abna’ who embraced Islam; cf. Ibn Sa'd, V, 388-89, Ibn
al-Athir, Usd, V, 83; Balansi, 152.; Ibn Hajar, Isdbah, s.v. His name (Wabr or
Wabar or Wabrah?) and exact identity are somewhat confused.

159. Or, possibly, "in our obedience": din.

160. Lit., "by clashing."

161. Fa-huwa la-awwalu dawatan.

The Conquest of Arabia

26

that. Wabr b. Yuhannis came to us, and we wrote to the people
calling them [to Islam].

Satan told (al-Aswad) something [about this], so he sent to
Qays and said, "Oh Qays, [do you know] what this one [i.e.,
Satan] is saying?" (Qays) said, "[No,] what is he saying?" (Al-
Aswad) replied, "He is saying [to me], 'You relied on Qays and
honored him, to the point that he had your complete trust162
and had become like you in power. Then he inclined toward
your enemy and schemed after your kingship and because of
treachery determined that he would say, "Oh Aswad, oh Aswad,
shame, shame!"163 Pluck the top of him and take from Qays his
highest part; if not he will dispossess you or pluck the top of
you.'"164 At this Qays, swearing a [false] oath, said — "Oh Dhu
al-Khimar,165 you are too important to me and too illustrious
that I should be envious of you." Whereupon (al-Aswad) said,
"How crude of you! Do you [dare] call the angel166 a liar? The
angel spoke the truth; now I know that you have repented
because of what (Satan) made known about you."

Then (Qays) went out and, coming to us, said, "Oh Jushaysh
and Fayruz and Dadhawayh, there were words between us; what
is [your] opinion?" So we said, "We should be wary." We were in
that [state] when (al-Aswad) sent to us, saying, "Did I not honor
you above [others in] your tribes? Did (Satan) not keep me
informed about you?" To this we said, "Forgive us this time."
Whereupon he replied, "Don't let me hear [anything] about you
or I shall kill you."167 So we got away, barely, while he was

162. Lit., "entered every entering from you.” This whole passage, with its
quotation within a quotation, is awkward to render.

163. Or perhaps "you prick, you prick"; yd saw’ah yd saw'ah.

164. I.e., Satan tells al-Aswad to behead Qays before Qays beheads him. Cf.
note 174, below.

165. The text has "By Dhu al-Khimar," but Dhu al-Khimar, "the one with the
veil," was the nickname of al-Aswad himself (see Baladhuri, Futuh, 105), and it
seems unlikely that Qays would have sworn an oath on his name. However,
making this emendation removes from the sentence the formal oath, which the
context requires. Perhaps the original was "By God, Oh Dhu al-Khimar."

166. Al-Aswad here refers to Satan as his "angel." One wonders if the text
might originally have had malik, "king", instead of mal’ak or malak ("angel").

167. Reading with Cairo ed., following Kosegarten, for "dismiss you"
( uqllaka ) in the Leiden text. Ibn al-Athlr, Kamil, II, 338, avoided the difficulties

The Account Regarding al-'Ansi the Liar 27

in doubt over our situation and that of Qays, and we were in
doubt and great danger. Then [news] reached us of the opposition
against him on the part of 'Amir b. Shahr and Dhu Zud and
Dhu Murran and Dhu al-Kala’ and Dhu Zulaym;168 they wrote
to us and offered us help, and we wrote back to them and
instructed them not to put anything in motion until we should [1858]
arrange the matter thoroughly. They only became agitated over
that when the letter of the Prophet arrived. The Prophet wrote
to the people of Najran, to their Arabs and to the non-Arab
inhabitants of the country, so they stood firm and regrouped169
and gathered in a single place. Learning of that, (al-Aswad)
sensed disaster. We hatched a plan, and accordingly I went to
visit Azad, (al-Aswad's) wife,170 saying to her, "Oh my cousin,
you know the misfortune this man represents for your people;
he has killed your husband, made excessive slaughter among
your people, humiliated those who remained of them, and
disgraced the women. So might you have some conspiracy
against him?" At this she replied, "To what end?" I said, "To
expel him." She added, "Or to kill him?" I replied, "Or to kill
him." She said, "Yes, by God. God has created no one more
hateful to me than he is. He does not attend to what is right
[even] for the sake of God, nor does he refrain from what is
forbidden171 for His sake. So when you have resolved (what to
do], let me know so that I may inform you of how this may be

(as usual) and gave the following gist of this passage: "He sent to us, threatening
us, so we made excuses to him and barely saved ourselves from him, he being in
doubt about us and we being wary of him."

168. Cf. p. 165, below. These are all epithets used as names, evidently
referring to South Arabian chiefs. 'Umayr "Dhu Murran" was a chief of Hamdan
who had had written contact with the Prophet (Hamdani, 99 11. 4-5; cf. Harding,
542, on the name DMRN in Minaean inscriptions); Dhu al-Kala' was the most
powerful tribe of South Arabia on the eve of Islam, probably represented here by
its chief, Samayfa' b. Nakur "Dhu al-Kala' al-A$ghar" (Caskel, II, 236, 510); Dhu
Zulaym was a clan of the Alhan b. Malik tribe that lived southwest of San'a’,
probably represented here by its chief Hawshab b. Yazid (Caskel, II, 152, 322). I
could find nothing on Dhu Zud besides the reference on p. 165, below.

169. Lit., "turned aside."

170. Azad or Azadh had been the wife of Shahr b. Badham and was the cousin
of Fayruz; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, III, 6, s.v. "Shahr b. Badham." Her name is Iranian
(< Azata "free, noble"); cf. fusti, 54.

171. Or, perhaps, "from womenfolk." Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 338.

z8

The Conquest of Arabia

accomplished." And so I was going out, [when] all of a sudden
there were Fayruz and Dadhawayh waiting for me. Qays came,
and we wanted to rise against (al-Aswad), but then a man [arrived
and] said to (Qays), before he could sit with us, "The king
summons you." Accordingly (Qays) entered with ten [men] of
Madhhij and Hamdan, so that (al-Aswad) was unable to kill him.

According to al-Sari in his account: Then Ayhalah b. Ka'b
b. Ghawth172 said, (or, according to 'Ubaydallah in his account,
"'Abhalah b. Ka'b b. Ghawth said")173 "Do you fortify your¬
self against me with men? [i.e., "How dare you fortify yourself
against me with men?] Did I not tell you the truth, whereas you
lie to me? (Satan) says, 'Shame! shame! If you do not cut the
hand from Qays he will cut the heights from your head.' "174 [He
[1859] went on like this], until (Qays) thought that (al-Aswad) would
kill him. Whereupon (Qays) said, "Indeed, it was not right for
me to kill you, as you are an apostle of God, so do with me what
you will. As for fear and terror, I am in both of them [anyway], in
dread [that you will kill me].175 Kill me, for one death is easier
for me than deaths I die every day (or, according to al-Zuhri: and
as for your killing me, one death is easier)." At this, (al-Aswad)
took pity on (Qays) and sent him out. So (Qays) came out to us
and told us [what had happened] and stayed with us and said,
"Do your deed."

(Al-Aswad)176 came out against us with a group, so we stood
at attention for him. [Now] at the gate were one hundred cows
and camels, so he stood up and drew a line so that they were

172. I.e., al-Aswad. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 336; and Al-Baladhuri, Futuh, 105,
state that his proper name was 'Ayhalah, but he was called by his nickname
"al-Aswad," "the black," because of his color. Diyarbakri, II, 155, and Nuwayri,
49, 55 (as well as Tabari, I, 1795) also have the form 'Abhalah.

173. Text has "Oh 'Ayhalah," so that the subject of "he said" must be
someone other than al-Aswad. I have followed the suggestion of Wellhausen,
Skizzen, VI, 147, who proposed that the vocative particle "oh" should be
dropped, as the context makes it clear that the words spoken immediately after
must have been uttered by al-Aswad, not to him.

174. Text has yaqta'u qunnataka al-'ulya "he will cut off your highest part,"
i.e., "your head;" Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 339, suggests raqabataka "your neck."
Cf. note 164, above.

175. This emendation is introduced in the Cairo ed. from Nuwayri.

176. This seems to be the beginning of another version of the narrative, not
very neatly integrated into the story told so far.

The Account Regarding al-'AnsI the Liar

z9

situated behind it and he stood before it. Then he cut their
throats, [they being] neither corralled nor bound, [but] none of
them plunged across the line. Then he let them go, so that they
roamed around until they passed away. I have never seen a more
repulsive scene than that or a more brutal day. Then he said, "Is
what I have learned about you true, Fayruz?" and he pointed
the lance at him. "I had intended to cut your throat, making
you follow this beast." At this (Fayruz) said, "You chose us
to be your in-laws and gave us precedence over the [rest of the]

Abna’. [Even] if you had not been a prophet we would not have
sold our share with you for anything; so how [could we reject
you], after the promise177 of [both] an afterlife and a present
life178 has been gathered to us by you? You should not believe
what you have heard about us, for indeed we are where you
wish."179 At this (al-Aswad) said, "Divide this, as you are most
knowledgeable of whoever is hereabouts." Then the people of
§an'a’ began to gather to me, so I began to order that the
slaughtered camels be given to the clan, the cows to the family, [i860]
and the equipment to the needy,180 until the people of each
district181 had taken their share. Then, before he reached his
house — while he was watching me182 — a man overtook him
who denounced Fayruz to him. (Al-Aswad) was listening closely
to him, and Fayruz overheard him while he was saying, "I will
kill him tomorrow with his companions, so come to me early in
the morning." Then (al-Aswad) turned and, lo and behold, there
was (Fayruz). So he said [to the man], "Shhh!"183 Then [Fayruz]
informed him of what he had done [by way of distributing the
meat], at which (al-Aswad) said, "Excellent work." Then (al-
Aswad) struck his riding animal and went in. (Fayruz) returned

177. Lit., "matter" (amr).

178. Nuwayrl, 55, has "a faith" ( dinan ).

179. I.e., our loyalties are with you.

180. The three terms are idh\ (clan), ahl al-bayt (family), and ahl al-khallah
(needy), respectively. Nuwayri, 56, and Cairo edition, following Kosegarten, read
"people of the settlements" ( ahl al-hillah ).

181. Nahiyah.

182.. Or "standing over me" ( wa-huwa waqifun 'alayya).

183. Or "hold it!" Alternatively, we might construe this as "So he said

(to Fayruz), "Yes?" as seems to be suggested by Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI, 147.

30

The Conquest of Arabia

to us and told us the news. At this we sent to Qays, [telling him]
that he should come to us. Together they agreed184 that I should
return to the woman to inform her of our decision, so she might
tell us what she would order [us to do]. So I went to the woman
and said, "What do you think?" She replied, "He is cautious and
[closely] guarded. Every part of the palace is surrounded by the
guard, except this room; the rear of it is at such-and-such a place
on the street, so, when evening has come, break into it; you will
then be inside the guard, and nothing will stand in the way of
killing him." Then she said, "In (the room] you will find a lamp
and weapons." Then I went out; but, when al-Aswad met me
coming out of one of his residences, he said to me, "What are
you doing here?"185 and slapped my head so [hard] that I fell
down, for he was powerfully built. The woman screamed so that
he was startled away from me; but for that he would have killed
me. She said, "My cousin came to visit me, but you have treated
me meanly!" At this he said, "Shut up, you nobody!186 I hereby
give him to you." So she spared me.187 So I came to my
companions, saying, "Help! Get away!" and I told them the
news. We were in this state, confused, when all of a sudden [the
woman's] messenger came to me, [saying], "Don't give up what
[x 86 1 ] you were going to do when I left you, for I will continue to be
with him until he goes to sleep." So188 we said to Fayruz, "Go to
her and make sure of her. As for me, there is no way for me to
enter after being thrown out [by al-Aswad]."189 He did so; he
was more clever than I. So after she had informed him [of the

184. Lit., "their council agreed."

185. Lit., "What brought you to visit me?"

186. Or, "You bastard!" lit., "May you have no father!"

187. Fa-tazayalat 'anni. Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI, 147, proposed that the text
should read fa-tazayala, with al-Aswad as the subject; De Goeje, Glossary,
wished to leave the text unchanged and proposed that it meant "she hid herself
from me." The act of handing a captive over to a petitioner who had requested
him was a common gesture of magnanimity among chiefs of pre-Islamic and
early Islamic Arabia. The idea was that the petitioner could decide the captive's
fate — either to free him, as in this instance, or to inflict a more hideous
punishment on him than the king might have, in the case of a captive who was a
personal enemy of the petitioner.

188. The following eight sentences are omitted from Nuwayri, 56.

189. Lit., "there is no way for me to enter after the prohibition ( al-nahy )."

The Account Regarding al-'Ansi the Liar

3i

plan], he said,190 "And how may we break into lined rooms?"191
[She replied,192] "We must remove the lining of the room." So
the two of them entered and removed the lining, whereupon
they locked it and he sat with her as if he were a visitor.
Then (al-Aswad) came to visit her and became consumed with
jealousy, but she explained to him (Fayruz's) kinship and foster¬
relationship with her [and that] he was within the forbidden
degrees of consanguinity.193 At this, [al-Aswad) screamed at him
and threw him out, and he brought us the news. When it was
evening we put our plan into effect, our partisans having agreed
with us [beforehand]. We went ahead before making contact
with the Hamdanls and Himyarls194 and broke into the room
from the outside. Then we entered and in it was a lamp under a
large bowl. We protected ourselves [by letting] Fayruz, who was
the bravest and strongest of us, ]go first]195 and said: "Look [and
see] what you can see." So he went out, while we were between
(al-Aswad) and the guards that were with him in the compound.
When (Fayruz) got near the door of the room, he heard a loud
snoring, and, lo, there was the woman, sitting up. Then, when
(Fayruz) stood by the door, Satan made (al-Aswad) sit up and
address him with his tongue. He was snoring as he sat and also
saying, "I have nothing to do with you, oh Fayruz!" At this
(Fayruz) feared that if he went back he and the woman would be

190. Cairo ed. has "she said"; this change would eliminate the need for the
emendation introduced later in the sentence (see Note 192, below).

191. Buyut mubaUanah, i.e., rooms having a bitanah, or "lining"; cf. next
two sentences. The meaning is obscure. E. Landau-Tasseron suggests that this
reference may be to a tent, in which case bitanah means an inner divider or wall
hanging, but the general sense of the paragraph is that the house was one with
solid walls. Perhaps it is simply a way of saying the "inneT sanctum" or personal
chambers of the ruler in a palace complex; cf. The Assyrian Dictionary, II, s.v.
"bitanu." The root b-t-n does not seem to be attested in the Sabaic or Sabaean
dialect of Old South Arabic.

192. This addition was suggested by Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI, 147. Cf. note
190, above.

193. I.e., closely enough related to her so that they could not marry, meaning
that he was formally a part of her family and could visit her without arousing
suspicion or causing disgrace.

194. Himyar b. 'Amir was a large South Arabian nation or tribe that had
provided the last Yemeni dynasty of rulers. Cf. Caskel, II, 324.

195. Ittaqayna bi-Fayruz-, translation following Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI, 147.

32

The Conquest of Arabia

killed. So he acted first and came on him [from behind as if to
mount him] like a camel.196 He took his head and killed him by
breaking his neck and placing his knee on his back and breaking
it. Then he got up to go out. At this the woman, thinking that
he had not killed him, took hold of his robe saying, "Why197 are
you leaving me?" (Fayruz) replied, "To inform my companions
of his death." Then (Fayruz) came to us, and we went off with
[1862] him wishing to cut off (al-Aswad's) head; but Satan made him
move, tossing about so that (Fayruz) could not restrain him.
Whereupon I said, "(All of you] sit on his chest." So two [of us]
sat on his chest, and the woman took hold of his hair. We heard
a muttering noise, so I bridled him198 with a rag, and (Fayruz)
passed the knife over his gullet. At this he bellowed, like the
loudest bellowing of a bull that I have ever heard, so that the
guards hurried to the door — they were around the compound —
and said, "What's this? What's this?" Whereupon the woman
replied, "It is [only] the prophet, receiving revelations." Then he
passed away.199

We stayed up all night discussing among ourselves how to
notify our supporters, there being none other [present] than the
three of us — Fayruz, Dadhawayh, and Qays.200 Consequently we
agreed to give our war cry that we had with our supporters, and
then to make the call to prayer. When the dawn appeared, there¬
fore, Dadhawayh called out the war cry, terrifying [both] the
Muslims and the unbelievers. The guards [of al-Aswad] gathered,
surrounding us> then I gave the call to prayer. Their horsemen
gathered to the guards, so I called out, "I bear witness that
Muhammad is the Apostle of God and that Abhalah201 is a

196. The verb khdlata here means "to approach from the rear," as animals do
when copulating. The text reads, literally, "he approached him, while he was
like the camel."

197. Lit., "where."

198. I.e., held him by his head.

199. Or perhaps "Then he calmed down," i.e., ceased bellowing, but the
context makes it clear that he died at this time. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 340, has
"they [i.e., the guards) settled down."

100. Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI, 147, remarked that this passage makes clear
that the original version of the story was not narrated by Jushaysh (cf. p. 25,
above).

201. I.e., al-Aswad. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 340; Kosegarten; and Manuscript
C: 'Ayhalah.

The Account Regarding al-'Ansi the Liar

33

liar," and we threw his head to them. Then Wabr performed the
ritual prayer. The men [of al-Aswadj launched an attack, so we
called out, "Oh people of $an'a’, whoever has [one of al-
Aswad's menj as a visitor, take hold of him, and whoever [of
you] has one of them with him, take hold of him." And I called
out to whoever was in the street, "Seize whomever you can."

[But] then (al-Aswad's men also) snatched up many boys and
seized [things]. Then they departed, going out [of the city];
but, when they emerged, seventy of their horsemen and [camel]
riders were missing, and lo! the townspeople202 had brought
them to us. [For our part,] we were missing seven hundred
household members. Then we wrote to each other, [agreeing]
that they should leave for us what they held and that we should
leave for them what we held. So they did this, leaving ($an'a’|
without winning anything from us. Then they returned to [the [1863]
region] between $an'a’ and Najran. San' a’ and al-Janad became
clear [of them], and God made Islam and its people strong.

We contended among ourselves over [who should] command.

The companions of the Prophet returned one by one to their
governorates, whereupon we agreed that Mu adh b. Jabal [should
hold authority];203 he had used to lead us in prayer. We wrote to
the Apostle of God with the news — that was during the lifetime
of the Prophet. The news reached him the same day;204 [sub¬
sequently] our messengers arrived, but the Prophet had died the
morning of that day, so Abu Bakr replied to us.

According to 'Ubaydallah — his uncle — Sayf; and according to
al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Abu al-Qasim al-Shanawi — al-'Ala’ b.

Ziyad — Ibn 'Umar:205 The news reached the Prophet from heaven
on the night in which [al-Aswad] al-'Ansi was killed, that he
might bring us the good tidings, so he said, "Al-'Ansi was killed

202. Lit., "people of the houses and streets."

203. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 340-41; Kosegarten; and Manuscript C add "bi-
al-khabai" or "bi-khabarihi," suggesting that the agreement was to let Mu'adh
carry the news of the death of al-Aswad to the Prophet. However, two accounts
later Mu'adh is clearly still in San'a’, not a messenger.

104. I.e., the news reached the Prophet miraculously on the same day as
al-Aswad's death; see next account. In this passage laylah "night" has been
translated as "day" because the traditional unit of a day in Arabia began with
sundown and was called "a night."

205. Cf. NuwayrI, 59.

34

The Conquest of Arabia

last night; a blessed man of a blessed family killed him." He was
asked, "And who [is this]?" He replied, "Fayruz gained the vic¬
tory, Fayruz."

According to 'Ubaydallah — his uncle — Sayf; and according to
al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — al-Mustanir — 'Urwah — al-Dahhak
— Fayruz:206 We killed al-Aswad, and our affairs returned to
what they had been, except that we sent to Mu'adh [b. Jabal],
coming to mutual agreement upon him [as commander]. So he
used to lead us in prayer in San'a’. We had [high] hopes
and expectations, as there remained nothing that displeased us
except the matter of those horsemen who were going back and
forth between us and Najran; but by God (Mu'adh) only led us
in prayer three times, when the news reached us of the Apostle
of God's death; whereupon matters became unsettled and we
came to disavow many things we used to acknowledge, and the
land became disturbed.

[1864] According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Abu al-Qasim and Abu

Muhammad — Abu Zur'ah Yahya b. Abi Amr al-Shaybanl from
the province [ jund ] of Palestine — Abdallah b. Fayruz al-Daylaml
— his father: The Prophet sent them an envoy named Wabr b.
Yuhannis al-Azdi, who resided with Dadhawayh al-Farisi. Now
al-Aswad was a soothsayer who had Satan with him and fol¬
lowed him; so he rebelled and fell upon the king of Yemen,
killing its king and marrying his wife. He ruled the Yemen.
Badham had died before that, leaving his son in charge of his
affairs; so (al-Aswad) killed him and married [his wife].207 At
this, Dadhawayh and Qays b. Makshuh al-Muradi and I met
with Wabr b. Yuhannis, the envoy of the Prophet of God, plot¬
ting to kill al-Aswad. Subsequently al Aswad ordered the people
to gather in an open area of §an'a’; then he came out so that
he stood in their midst, [carrying] with him the javelin of the
king. Then he called for the king's horse; and he speared it in the
mouth with the javelin and then let it go, so that [the horse]
began to run loose in the city as it bled, until it died. [Then] he
stood up in the midst of the open area and called for sacrificial

206. Cf. Nuwayri, 59.

207. The confused syntax and evident repetitions suggest that two or more
separate accounts have been combined here. Cf. Caetam, 680-85.

The Account Regarding al-Ansi the Liar

35

camels from behind the line;208 whereupon he made them stand
with their necks and heads behind the line but not crossing it.
Then he met them with his javelin, slitting their throats so that
they scattered from him until he was done with them.209 Then
he seized his javelin in his hand, then fell upon the earth in a fit
and, raising his head, said that he (that is, his Satan, who was
with him) [had told him], "Ibn Makshuh is one of the oppressors,
oh Aswad; cut off his head."210 Then he cast his head [down]
again to contemplate [and] then raised his head and said that [his
Satan] had said, "Ibn al-Daylaml is one of the oppressors, oh
Aswad; cut off his right hand and his right leg." Now, when I
heard him say that, I said [to myself], "By God, I have no surety
but that he might call for me so he could slaughter me with his
javelin just as he slaughtered these sacrificial camels." So I
began to hide myself among the people lest he see me, until I
went out not knowing in my alarm how I should set out. Then,
when I approached my house, one of his people met me and
struck me on the neck, saying. "The king summons you, and
you sneak off! Go back!" and made me return. When I saw that,
I was afraid that he would kill me.

Now hardly ever was any man of us without his dagger, so I
slipped my hand in my boot to take hold of my dagger. Then I
approached (al-Aswad), wishing to attack him by stabbing him
with it until I killed him, and then to kill those with him. But
when I drew near him, he saw evil in my face and said, "Stay
where you are!" so I stopped. Then he said, "You are the most
important of those in this place and the most knowledgeable
about the notables of its people, so divide these sacrificial
camels among them." [Then] he mounted and left, so I com¬
menced dividing the meat among the people of $an'a\ Where¬
upon the one who had struck me on the neck came and said,
"Give me some of it." But I said, "No, by God, not one bit.
Aren't you the one who struck me on the neck?" At this he

208. Cf. the account on p. 29, above.

209. 1.e., presumably those whose throats had been slit ran away from him one
by one. Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI, 147 proposed "They fell away on both sides of
the line until he was done with them."

210. Lit., "cut the top of his head."

[1865]

36

The Conquest of Arabia

went away angry, so that he came to al-Aswad and informed
him of (the treatment] he endured from me and what I had said
to him. So, when I had finished, I came to al-Aswad; walking
toward him, I overheard the man complaining to him about
me, whereupon al-Aswad said to him, "Verily by God I shall
slaughter him." Then I said to him, "I have finished what you
ordered me to do and have distributed [the meat] among the
people." He said, "You have done well" and withdrew; so I left.
Then we sent to the king's wife, [saying], "We wish to kill al-
Aswad; how [would it be possible] for us [to do so]?" So she sent
to me, [saying], "Come on." So I went to her, and she put the
servant girl at the door to let us know if (al-Aswad) was coming;
and the two of us entered the other house and then dug until we
had penetrated (the wall]. Then we came out into the house,
letting the curtain drop down; so I said, "Indeed, we shall kill
him this very night." Then (the servant girl) said, "Come on!"
Then, before I realized it, there was al-Aswad; he had entered
[1866] the house, and there he was with us; whereupon violent jealousy
took hold of him, so that he began to strike my neck. I kept him
away from me and went out to bring my companions [news] of
what I had done. I was sure that our scheme against him was
undone; [but] then the messenger of the woman came to us
(with her message]: "(Al-Aswad) has not disrupted your plot at
all, as long as you are [still] considering [it]. For, after you went
out, I said to him, 'Don't you people allege that you are generous
and possessors of noble deeds?' He said, 'Of course.' So I said,
'My brother came to greet me and to honor me, and then you fell
upon him, striking his neck until you expelled him. So that was
your generosity toward him?' And I kept heaping blame on him
until he came to blame himself and said, 'He is your brother?' So
I told him, 'Yes.' At this he said, 'I didn't realize [that].' So come
tonight when you wish."

According to al-Daylaml: So we were reassured. We agreed to
come by night, Dadhawayh and Qays and I, in order to enter the
farthest house by the breach that we had made. Whereupon I
said, "Oh Qays, you are the hero ( faris ) of the Arabs; enter and
kill the man." [But] he replied, "Indeed, powerful trembling
overcomes me in the face of harm, so that I fear that I might
strike him a blow that would avail nothing. But [rather] you

The Account Regarding al-'Ansi the Liar

37

enter, oh Fayruz, for you are the youngest and strongest of us."

So I laid down my sword with the group and entered to see
where the man's head was. There was the lamp shining, and
there he was asleep on some bedspreads. He was hidden in them,
and I didn't know his head from his feet. (But] there was the
woman seated with him; she had been feeding him pomegranate
until he fell asleep. So I beckoned to her [to tell mej where his
head was, whereupon she pointed to it. Then I began to walk
until I stood by his head to see. I don't know whether I had [yet]
looked at his face or not when all of a sudden he had opened his
eyes and looked at me. At this I said [to myself], "If I go back [1867]
[to get] my sword, I fear that he will escape me and get a weapon
to ward me off of him." And lo, his Satan had warned him of my
being there and had awakened him, and then when he was slow
[to wake up] (his Satan) spoke to me through (al-Aswad's)
tongue; [for] indeed he was looking [at me] and snoring [at the
same time]. So I put my two hands forth toward his head,
seizing his head with one hand and his beard with the other and
then wrenching his neck so that I broke it. Then I went toward
my companions, whereupon the woman took hold of my robe,
saying, "Your sister! Your advice!" I said, "By God, I have killed
him and have given you rest from him."211 Then I went to my
two companions and told them. They said, "Go back and cut off
his head and bring it to us." So I entered [again], whereupon he
uttered a groan; so I bridled him212 to cut off his head and took
it to the two of them. Then we all went out until we reached our
homes. Wabr b. Yuhannis al-Azdi was with us. He remained
with us until we ascended one of the elevated fortresses, where¬
upon Wabr b. Yuhannis uttered the call to prayer. Then we said,

"Verily God has killed al-Aswad the liar." At this the people
gathered to us, so we threw his head. When the people who had
been with him saw [this], they saddled up their horses. Then
each one of them began to take with him one of our boys, from
among the families with whom they were staying; I saw them
in the dawn making the boys ride behind them. So I called to

111. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 340; Balansi, 153.
ziz. I.e., held his head: aljamtuhu.

38

The Conquest of Arabia

my brother, who was below me with the people, "Hold fast to
whomever you can of them; don't you see what they are doing
with the children?" So they took hold of them, so that we
detained seventy of their men. They took thirty boys from us;
then, when they came into open country, lo and behold, they
were missing seventy men. When they [realized that] they were
missing their companions, they came to us saying, "Send our
companions to us." So we said to them, "Send our sons to us!"
So they sent our sons to us, and we sent their companions to
them.

[1868] The Apostle of God said to his companions, "God has killed
al-Aswad al-'Ansi the liar; he killed him through the hand of a
man who is one of your brethren and of a tribe that embraced
Islam and believed [it] to be true." So we were in the same
situation we had been in before al-Aswad reached us. The
commanders213 came to feel secure, and gradually returned; and
the people made excuses for themselves, as only recently they
had been in the jahiliyyah.214

According to 'Ubaydallah — his uncle — Sayf; and according to
al-Sarx — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Sahl b. Yusuf — his father — 'Ubayd b.
§akhr: From first to last, (al-Aswad's) rule was three months.

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf, and according to 'Ubayd¬
allah — his uncle — Sayf — Jabir b. Yazid — 'Urwah b. Ghaziy-
yah — al-Dahhak b. Fayruz:215 Between his emergence at the
cave of Khubban and his murder there were about four months;
he had been concealing his affair before that, until it came out
openly afterward.

According to 'Umar b. Shabbah — 'All b. Muhammad — Abu
Ma'shar, Yazid b. 'lyad b. Ju'dubah, Ghassan b. 'Abd al-Hamid,
and Juwayriyyah b. Asma5 — their teachers:216 Abu Bakr sent out
the army of Usamah b. Zayd at the end of Rabi' I, and (the news
of] the murder of al-'Ansi came at the end of Rabi' I, after the
departure of Usamah. That was the first conquest, [news of]
which came to Abu Bakr while he was in Medina.

213. Umara, i.e., the Prophet's governors.
114. I.e., the age of pre-Islamic heathenism.

215. Cf. Nuwayri, S9i Caetani, 685.

216. Cf. Nuwayri, S9> Caetani, 685.

The Account Regarding al-'AnsI the Liar

39

According to al-Waqidi: In this year, that is, year n, in the
[first] half of Muharram, the deputation of al-Nakha'217 came [1869]
to the Apostle of God; their leader was Zurarah b. 'Amr. They
were the last of the delegations to reach [the Prophet].

In this year the Prophet's daughter Fatimah died, on Tuesday,
the 3rd of Ramadan. At that time she was twenty-nine years old
or thereabouts. It is said that this was related on the authority of
Abu Bakr b. Abdallah— Ishaq b. Abdallah— Aban b. §alih. It
is alleged that this was related on the authority of Ibn jurayj —

Amr b. Dinar — Abu Ja'far, who said: Fatimah died three
months after the Prophet.

According to Ibn Jurayj— al-Zuhri— 'Urwah: Fatimah died
six months after the Prophet. (According to al-Waqidi, this is the
more correct [version].) 'All and Asma bt. 'Umays218 washed
her [corpse].

According to Abd al-Rahman b. Abd al-Aziz b. Abdallah b.
'Uthman b. Hunayf— Abdallah b. Abi Bakr b. Amr b. Hazm—

Amrah bt. Abd al-Rahman: Al- Abbas b. Abd al-Muttalib219
prayed [the funeral prayer] for her.

According to Abu Zayd— Ali— Abu Ma'shar: Al- Abbas and
All and al-Fadl b. al- Abbas220 entered her grave.

In this year Abdallah b. Abu Bakr b. Abu Quhafah died. An
arrow had hit him [when he was] at al-Ta’if with the Prophet;
it had been shot by Abu Mihjan.221 The wound healed up until
Shawwal, when it became bad again; subsequently he died.

According to Abu Zayd— All— Abu Ma'shar, Muhammad
b. Ishaq, and Juwayriyyah b. Asma’, in the chain of informants

217. Al-Nakha' b. 'Amr, a clan of the tribe of Madhhij in southern Yemen.
(Caskel, II, 444).

218. An early convert to Islam of the Khath'am tribe, married successively to
the Prophet's uncle Hamzah, to his cousin fa'far b. Abi Talib, to Abu Bakr, and
to 'All b. Abi Talib; sister of the Prophet's wife Maymiinah bt. al-Harith. (Ibn
al-Athir, Usd, V, 395).

219. One of the Prophet's uncles, eponym of the Abbasid dynasty.

220. Oldest son of al-'Abbas and hence a cousin of the Prophet; his mother
was a sister of the Prophet's wife Maymunah bt. al-Harith. (Ibn al-Athir, Usd, IV,
183).

221. A renowned poet of the Thaqlf tribe of al-Ta’if, who embraced Islam only
when his town submitted. (Ibn al-Athir, Usd, V, 290).

40

The Conquest of Arabia

that I mentioned above:222 In the year in which the oath of
allegiance was sworn to Abu Bakr, the people of Fars made
Yazdagard223 king over them.

[1870] Abu Ja'far said: In this year occurred the battle between Abu
Bakr and Kharijah b. Hisn al-Fazari.224

According to Abu Zayd — 'All b. Muhammad in their chain of
authorities, which I mentioned above:225 Abu Bakr remained in
Medina after the death of the Apostle of God and after he sent
Usamah at the head of his army to where his father, Zayd b.
Harithah,226 had been killed in Syria. As it was the place to
which the Apostle of God had ordered him to march, (Abu Bakr)
made no innovation [in doing this]. There had come to him
delegations of apostate Arabs, who confirmed [the observance of]
prayer but held back [payment of] the alms tax \zakdt). But Abu
Bakr did not accept this from them and sent them back. He
remained [in Medina] until Usamah b. Zayd b. Harithah arrived
forty days after his marching off (some say after seventy days).
Then, when Usamah b. Zayd had come, he left him in charge
of Medina and marched out (some say that he left Sinan al-
Damri227 in charge of Medina). So he marched and encamped at
Dhu al-Qassah228 in Jumadah I (some say Jumadah II). Now the
Apostle of God had sent Nawfal b. Mu'awiyah al-DllI;229 then

in. Cf. p. 38, above; Caetani, 715.

213. The last king of the Sasanian dynasty.

114. Leader of the delegation from the Fazarah tribe of the Najd that came to
the Prophet shortly after his campaign to Tabuk. Cf. Ibn Sa'd, I/i, 42; Ibn
al-Athlr, Usd, II, 71-72; and Nuwayri, 6iff. ("Kharijah b. Husayn"). On Fazarah,
a tribe of the Ghatafan group, see El2, s.v. "Fazara" (W. M. Watt); cf. note 233,
below.

225. Cf. Nuwayri, 61, and p. 38, above; Caetani, 592.

226. The Prophet's freedman and an early convert; originally of the Kalb tribe
of Syria, he was sent as leader of a raid on southern Syria toward the end of the
Prophet's life. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Usd, II, 224-27.

227. Ibn al-Athlr, Usd, II, 359, adds nothing to what we learn here. Damrah b.
Bakr was a tribe of Kinanah; cf. Caskel, II, 241.

128. It lies about twenty miles east of Medina on the way to al-Rabadhah,
according to al-Mas'udi, Tanbih (BGA VIII), 252. (Al-Rabadhah is 175 km east of
Medina; see note 271 below.) Yaqut gives conflicting accounts of Dhu al-
Qa§?ah's location. Cf. Hamdani, 143 1. 21, who lists a "Dhu al-Qiddah" in the
vicinity of al-Sharabbah and Zarud on the road to Iraq.

229. Chieftain of the clan al-Dil of Kinanah, who, after long resisting the
Prophet, joined him late: Caskel, II, 447, and Ibn al-Athir, Usd, V, 47. On the

The Account Regarding al-'Ansi the Liar

4i

Kharijah b. Hisn had lit upon him at al-Sharabbah,230 taking
what he had,231 and subsequently returned it to the Banu
Fazarah. So Nawfal returned to Abu Bakr in Medina, in advance
of Usamah's arrival before Abu Bakr.

The first war in the liddah after the death of the Prophet was
the war of al-'Ansi. The war of al-'Ansi was in the Yemen.

[Next] was the war of Kharijah b. Hisn, and [that of] Manzur
b. Zabban b. Sayyar232 at the head of Ghatafan233 while the
Muslims were unaware. So Abu Bakr repaired to a forest and hid
himself in it; then God routed the unbelievers.

According to 'Ubaydallah— his uncle— Sayf; and according
to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — al-Mujalid b. Sa'id: After Usamah [1871]
had gone away, the land sank into disbelief, and from every tribe
either a small group or the whole showed disobedience234 and
apostatized, except for Quraysh and Thaqif.235

According to 'Ubaydallah— his uncle— Sayf; and according
to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Hisham b. 'Urwah — his father:236
After the Apostle of God had died and Usamah had departed, the
Arabs apostatized, in large or small groups;237 and Musaylimah
and Tulayhah238 feigned [divine] inspiration, so that the situation

form of the clan name (al-DIl, later al-Du'il), see Caskel, II, 2.34, s.v. "al-Du’il b.
Bakr."

230. A place between al-Rabadhah and al-Salllah in the Ghatafan country
(Yaqut, s.v.).

231. Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI, 147, observes that this means the tribute in
livestock that Nawfal had gathered.

232. Another chief of Fazarah; he embraced Islam and had marriage ties to
close associates of the Prophet before his rebellion. Cf. Ibn al-Athlr, Usd, IV,
420; Caskel, II, 398.

233. Ghatafan was a group of tribes east of Medina, including 'Abdallah b.
Ghatafan, 'Abs, Ashja', and Dhubyan; Dhubyan included the tribes of Fazarah,
Murrah, and Tha'labah. Cf. Caskel, II, 274; El1, s.v. "Ghatafan" (J. W. Fuck).

234. Tasammarat, lit., "became avancious, refused what is demanded." Ibn
al-Athir, Kamil, II, 342, has tadarramat al-aid naian, "the land burned fiercely
with fire."

235. The main tribe of al-Ta’if. Cf. Caetani, 583.

236. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 342-43; cf. Caetani, 583.

237. 'Awamma aw khawds$a. Similarly, in other passages on p. 42 'amma
and khassa are rendered as "the bulk of" and "a few of," or "large and small
groups of." Caetani, 583, understands ' awamma as "all of [Tayyi’ and AsadJ."

238. According to Muslim tradition, the "false prophets" in al-Yamamah and
the Najd respectively.

4*

The Conquest of Arabia

regarding the two of them became serious. The common people
of Tayyi’ and Asad239 gathered to Tulayha, and Ghatafan apos¬
tatized (except for those from Ashja' and the leaders of groups
of mixed origins), and they rendered the oath of allegiance to
him. Hawazin240 remained ambivalent;241 they withheld (pay¬
ment of] the sadaqah tax,242 except for those from Thaqif and
its party.243 The bulk of Jadllah244 and the weak groups were
guided by them. A few of of Banu Sulaym245 apostatized, and
likewise the rest of the people in every place.

The envoys246 of the Prophet arrived [in Medina] from Yemen
and Yamamah and the territory of Banu Asad, (along with]
delegations of those with whom the Prophet had corresponded.
His business regarding al-Aswad and Musaylimah and Tulayhah
had been carried out by means of reports and letters; so they
presented their letters to Abu Bakr, and informed him of the
news. At this Abu Bakr said to them, "You will not leave before
messengers come from your commanders and from others, with
(news of] more cunning and more bitter [things?] than that
which you have described, and [reports of] the unraveling of
affairs." It was not long before there came to them from every
place the letters of the Prophet's commanders, with [news of]
the rebellion247 of some [group], large or small, and of their

239. Tayyi’ and Asad were neighboring, largely nomadic tribes whose territory
was near the "mountains of Tayyi’" j'Aja’ and Salma) in the Najd. Cf. El2, s.v.
"Asad, Banu" |H. Kindermann); Caskel, II, 194, 555; Landau-Tasseron, "Asad
from Jahiliyya to Islam"; idem, "The Participation of Tayyi in the Ridda

Z40. A large confederation of tribes in northern and west-central Arabia that
included 'Amir b. Sa'sa'ah and Thaqif, although the latter, who were townsmen,
often went their own way, as here. Cf. El1, s.v. "Hawazin" (W. M. Watt).

241. Lit., "put one foot forward and held one foot back."

141. Although in later jurisprudence sadaqah tax came to mean voluntary
alms, and thus was little different from zakat, at the time of the liddah it meant
tribute paid by nomads to the Islamic state. See Simonson, 31-33; Donner,
Conquests, 251-52, 265, and index.

143. Liffi-ha. cf. Ibn Manzur, IX, 318.

144. Jadllah and al-Ghawth were the two main divisions of Tayyi’, Cf. Caskel,
II, 25 2.

245. A tribe living northeast of Mecca. Cf. Watt, Medina, 95-97; Michael
Lecker, The Banu Sulaym (Jerusalem: The Hebrew University, 1989), infra.

246. Cf. NuwayrI, 62.

247. Lit., "unraveling, coming undone of what had been done," i.e.,
renunciation of their agreements.

The Account Regarding al-'AnsI the Liar

43

boldly committing aggression against the Muslims. So Abu Bakr
combated them with that which the Apostle of God had com¬
bated them — with envoys,- hence he sent their messengers back
with his orders, and sent [further] envoys after the [original]
messengers. And he awaited the arrival of Usamah [before] [187a]
clashing with them.248 The first who clashed were 'Abs and
Dhubyan;249 they hastened to [clash with) him, so that he
fought them before the return of Usamah.250

According to TJbaydallah — his uncle — Sayf; and according to
al-Sari — -Shu'ayb — Sayf — Abu 'Amr — Zayd b. Aslam:251 The
Apostle of God died while his tax collectors were among the
Quda'ah. Over the Kalb was Imru’ al-Qays b. al-Asbagh al-Kalbi
of the Banu 'Abdallah; and over al-Qayn was 'Amr b. al-Hakam.;
and over the Sa'd Hudhaym was Mu'awiyah b. Fulan al-Wa’ili252

According to al-Sari al-Walibl:253 Wadi'ah al-Kalbi aposta¬
tized with those of Kalb who helped him, whereas Imru’ al-
Qays remained obedient,254 and Zumayl b. Qutbah al-Qayni
rebelled with those of Banu al-Qayn who helped him, whereas
'Amr remained [obedient]; and Mu'awiyah apostatized with
those of Sa'd Hudhaym who helped him. So Abu Bakr wrote
to Imru’ al-Qays b. Fulan255 — he was the grandfather of
Sukaynah, daughter of tfusayn256— to march to257 Wadi'ah,

248. Lit., "He awaited in their dashing the arrival of Usamah."

249. Tribes of Ghatafan; cf. note 233, above.

250. The reading of manuscript C is in some ways more coherent: "They
made haste in order to fight him before the arrival of Usamah," i.e., they wished
to move quickly so as to attack Abu Bakr before he could consolidate his
position.

251. Cf. Ibn al-Athlr, Kamil, II, 343; Caetani, 583.

25 2. Kos has "al-Wabili"; Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 343, "al-Walibi." Both are
incorrect; cf. Caskel, II, 585, under "Wa’il b. Sa'd Hudhaym."

253. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 343; Caetani, 583-84, 591, a continuation of
the preceding account.

254. 'Ala dimhi.

255. There is some confusion regarding the name. Manuscript C has Imru’al-
Qays b. Bilad; Ibn Hajar, Isabah, s.v., has Imru’al-Qays b. 'Adi b.

Aws _ Perhaps "b. Fulan" is a dittography from the name of Mu'awiyah b.

Fulan in the preceding line (cf. preceding account).

256. Husayn b. 'All b. Abi Talib, the Prophet's grandson.

257. I.e., against, reading li- with the Cairo edition, rather than bi- in the text.
The sentence is obscure.

44

The Conquest of Arabia

and [he wrote to] 'Amr to take a stand against Zumayl and
against Mu'awiyah al-'Udhri. So when Usamah found himself
in the midst of the Quda'ah country, he deployed the cavalry
among them and ordered them to make those who had stood
firmly by Islam rise up against those who had turned back
from it, so that they fled until they took refuge in Dumah258
and gathered round Wadi'ah. Usamah's cavalry returned to
him, whereupon he decamped with them until he raided al-
Hamqatayn,259 striking among the Banu al-Dubayb of Judham260
[1873) and among the Banu Khaylil of Lakhm261 and their party262 of
the two factions.263 He drove them out of Abil264 and returned
unharmed and bearing spoil.

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Sahl b. Yusuf — al-
Qasim b. Muhammad:265 The Apostle of God died, and Asad and
Ghatafan and Tayyi’ gathered around Tulayhah, except for
the principal leaders of some groups in the three tribes. Asad
gathered at Samira’,266 and Fazarah and those who follow
them267 of Ghatafan to the south of Jibah,268 and Tayyi’269 on

158. Dumat al-Jandal, an important oasis in northern Arabia, modern al-Jawf.
Cf. El2, s.v. "Dumat al-Djandal" (L. Veccia Vaglieri).

Z59. A place on the fringes of the Syrian steppe (Yaqut, s.v.).

260. The tribe of Judham lived in the northern Hijaz and Transjordan; al-
Dubayb b. Qurf was one of their main clans. Cf. El2, s.v. "Djudham" (C. E.
Bosworth); Caskel, II, 243, 2.63.

261. Text has "Khalil." Lakhm was a tribe of southern Iraq and southern
Syria, absorbed in Syria by Judham; Khaylil was a branch of Ghassan associated
with the tribe of Lakhm. Cf. Caskel, II, 339; Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI, 147;
Emendanda-, El2, s.v. "Lakhm" (H. Lammens-Irfan Shahid).

262. Cf. note 243, above.

263. Al-qabilayn.

264. Manuscript C has \y.l; Kos has Ubna. See note 96, above.

265. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 344-45 (extending as far as p. 52, below);
Caetani, 596-99.

266. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 344, has "Sumayra’," probably owing to confusion
with Sumayrah, another place near Mecca; cf. Yaqut, s.v.v. Samira’ was in the
Asad country on the pilgrimage road to Iraq northeast of Mecca.

267. Kos has "those who come to them."

268. Yaqut identifies this as a village near Zarud, which was on the Kufah-
Mecca pilgrimage road in the Shaqlq sands. Perhaps it is identical with Tabah, a
village on the southeast flank of Mt. Salma in the Asad/Tayyi’ country; cf. the
shift of a to I in other names, such as Jazan/Jizan. On Tabah, see Thilo, s.v. and
map B.

269. Kos has Zaby.

The Account Regarding al-'Ansi the Liar

45

the borders of their territory. Tha'labah b. Sa'd and those who
followed them of Murrah and Abs270 gathered at al-Abraq of
al-Rabadhah,271 and people from the Banu Kinanah272 crowded
around them273 to the point that the country could not sustain
them; so they divided into two groups, one group remaining in
al-Abraq while the other went to Dhu al-Qassah. Tulayhah
reinforced them with (his brother] Hibal.274 Hibal was in charge
of the people of Dhu al-Qassah from Banu Asad and those of
Layth and al-DIl and Mudlij275 who crowded around; and over
Murrah in al-Abraq was 'Awf b. Fulan b. Sinan; and over
Tha'labah and 'Abs was al-Harith b. Fulan, one of the Banu
Subay'. They276 had sent delegations that came to Medina and
stayed with the chiefs of the people; so (the Medinan chiefs),
except for 'Abbas,277 put them up and interceded for them
before Abu Bakr, on condition that (the petitioning tribes)
should perform prayer but not pay the alms tax. But God
strengthened Abu Bakr's resolution in the truth, and he said: "If
they refuse me (even] a hobble, I shall fight them for it."278
Now, the hobbles of the sadaqah camels were required with the
(camels paid as] sadaqah from the people who paid sadaqah-, so
he refused [their request], whereupon the delegation of those
apostates who were near Medina returned to their tribes, [1874]
telling them how few the people of Medina were and making
them covetous of it. After Abu Bakr had expelled the delegation,

270. All three tribes were part of Ghafafan; cf. note 233, above.

271. Al-Rabadhah was 175 km east of Medina. The epithet "al-Abraq,"
meaning rough terrain with rock, sand, and day, is common in composite
toponymS; presumably here it refers to a specific spot near al-Rabadhah. Cf.
al-Rashid, Al-Rabadhah.

272. Kinanah was a tribe related to Asad, living from near Mecca
northeastward to Asad territory. Cf. El2, s.v. "Kinana" (W. M. Watt).

273. Manuscript C has "lived" (?) ( nasha'at ).

274. Manuscript C has amara-hum . . . bi-khibalin.

275. Layth b. Bakr, al-Dil b. Bakr, and Mudlij b. Murrah were branches of
Kinanah; cf. Caskel, II, 376, 416, and note 229, above.

276. Cf. p. 69, below; Diyarbakri, II, 202 top; Ibn Hubaysh, 9, 12 middle.

277. One of the Prophet's uncles and eponymous ancestor of the Abbasid
dynasty of caliphs.

278. The rope hobble ['iqal) worn by the camels given in payment of the
sadaqa tax. The word also came to mean, by extension, a year's sadaqa tax
itself; cf. Lane, Arabic-English Lexicon, part 5, p. 2115, s.v. ’iqal.

46

The Conquest of Arabia

he placed some people on the mountain passes279 of Medina —
'All al-Zubayr,280 Talhah,281 and 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud282 —
and enjoined283 the people of Medina to go to the mosque. And
he said to them: "The land has sunk into disbelief, and their
delegation has seen that you are few and that you would be
unaware whether you were approached by day or by night. The
nearest of them is [only] a stage284 from you. The people were
hoping that we would accept them and be reconciled with them,
but we refused them285 and dissolved their treaty. So get ready."
Consequently they made preparations, and it wasn't three [days]
before they came raiding Medina by night, leaving some286 of
their [number] behind in Dhu Husa287 to serve as reserves for
them. The mounted raiders288 reached the mountain passes by
night, while the fighting men were in them; there were people
on foot in front of them, so they alerted them and sent news to
Abu Bakr. Abu Bakr sent back to them that they should hold
their positions; so they did so, while [Abu Bakr] came out
to them leading the people of the mosque [mounted] on their
water-hauling camels. At this the enemy lost their will;289 so
the Muslims pursued them on their camels until they reached
Dhu Husa,290 whereupon the reserves came out against them

2 79. Anqdb. Kos: ansdb, "boundary markers" (?); Ibn al-Athir, an$ar,
"helpers." Cf. Glossary.

280. Al-Zubayr b. al-'Awwam, early convert from Asad clan of Quraysh,
maternal cousin of the Prophet. Cf. Ibn Sa'd, III/i, 7off.

28 1 . Talhah b. 'Ubaydallah, early convert from the Taym clan of Quraysh. Cf.
Ibn Sa'd, III/ 1, x 5 2.ff .

282. Early convert and close associate of the Prophet from the Hudhayl tribe.
Cf. Ibn Sa'd, III/ 1, io6ff.

283. IK and Ibn al-Athir, Kamil: "required."

284. Band, the distance between courier stops, six to twelve miles; cf. Lane,
Arabic-English Lexicon, s.v.

285. Kos and Manuscript C: "We came to them."

286. IK: "half."

287. A valley near al-Sharabbah in the territory of 'Abs and the rest of
Ghatafan; cf. Yaqut, s.v.; Thilo, s.v. and map C, places it circa 160 km east of
Medina, just west of al-Rabadhah. Nuwayri, 63, has "Husa."

288. Reading al-gharah, "horsemen making a raid," for the text's ghiwar,
"raiding" (rare), as proposed by Glossary.

289. IK: "turned back."

290. Manuscript C: Dhu Khushub.

The Account Regarding al-'Ansi the Liar

47

with churning skins that they had inflated and on which they
had placed ropes. Then they rolled them with their feet in the
faces of the camels, so that each skin rolled in its tether. At this
the Muslims' camels took fright while they were [mounted} on
them — they do not shy at anything the way they did from those
skins — and steered (the Muslims) out of their control until they
brought them into Medina; but no Muslim was thrown or
wounded, so al-Khutayl b. Aws, brother of al-Hutay’ah b. Aws,291
said about that:292

My saddle and she-camel are a ransom for Banu Dhubyan,
on the evening when Abu Bakr is stabbed293 with lances.
But [something] was rolled by the feet so that they feared it,
to a certain degree, no more and no less.294
[Even] God has troops who are given a taste of it;295

verily they are reckoned in that which is counted among the
wonders of the age.

(Al-Zuhri recited [the end of the last line] as: "among the mem¬
orable deeds of the age." According to Abdallah al-Laythi:
Banu Abd Manat were among the apostates — they and296 Banu
Dhubyan were involved in that affair at Dhu al-Qassah and
Dhu Husa.)297

We obeyed the Apostle of God as long as he was298 among us,299
So, oh worshipers of God, what [is so great about] Abu Bakr?

191. A famous poet who claimed to be from the 'Abs tribe; cf. El2, s.v.
"al-Hutay’ah" (I. Goldziher-C. Pellat); Ibn al-Athir, Usd, II, 30.

292. Poem text has numerous variant readings not noted here.

293. Reading yuhdha with the Cairo edition, against yuhda and other variants
in the text.

294. Reading in yazidu wa la yahri with the Cairo edition, against in tuqlmu
wa la tasri in the text.

295. Literally, "who are made to taste His tasting," perhaps an allusion to
Qur’an 3:185; "every soul tastes death."

296. Reading hum wa as proposed by Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI, 147, and
Emendanda, rather than wa hum, "and they were," as found in text, for 'Abd
Manat was part of Kinanah, not of Dhubyan.

297. The verses following this parenthetical aside are a continuation of those
before it, sharing the same meter ( tawil ) and rhyme letter (r).

298. Ibn Hubaysh, 8: "lived."

299. IK: "in our midst."

M 75]

48

The Conquest of Arabia

[1876] Will he bequeath [leadership of] us to a young camel [bakr)300
after him, if he should die?

That would be, in God's name,301 a disaster.302
Why won't you return our delegation in time?

Have you no fear of the blast of braying young camels?303
Indeed, the thing they requested of you, and that you denied,
is like dates, or sweeter to me than dates 304

So the enemy ( qawm ) thought (the Muslims) weak and sent
news to the people of Dhu al-Qassah, whereupon they advanced
against them, relying on those who had brought them the news,
they being [still] unaware of God's work, which He wished and
desired to be communicated among them. At this Abu Bakr
passed the night getting ready by putting the army305 in order;
then he went out in battle order in the last part of that night,
marching with al-Nu'man b. Muqarrin306 on his right flank,
and 'Abdallah b. Muqarrin on his left flank, and Suwayd b.
Muqarrin with the riders at the rear. No sooner had the dawn
broken than they found themselves and the enemy on the same
plain. They heard neither a footfall nor a voice from the Muslims
until (the Muslims) fell on them with the sword, slaying [them]
at the end of that night so that, before the upper limb of
the sun arose, they had turned their backs to (the Muslims).
(The Muslims) plundered them of all their riding camels,307 and
Hibal308 was killed. Abu Bakr309 pursued them until he camped

300. Cairo ed: "Will he bequeath it . . . ?" The verse is clearly a satiric
comment on Abu Bakr's name, which means "father of the young camel."

301. Ibn Hubaysh: "by God's house."

301. Lit., "the one who breaks the back," qasimatu al-zabri.

303. Reading taghiyat al-bakri with Cairo, against iaiyat al-bakri, "herders of
young camels," in the text.

304. I.e., it would have been better had you complied with the delegation's
requests.

305. Al-nds, lit., "the people." For a very different account of this episode, see
DiyarbakrI, II, 204.

306. He and his brothers Abdallah and Suwayd were warriors of the tribe of
Muzaynah who had led large groups of their tribe to the Prophet. Cf. Ibn
al-Athir, Usd, V, 30-31.

307. Ghalabu-hum 'ala 'ammati zahn-him —

308. Kos and Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 345, have "men." Cf. Ibn al-Athir, II, 347;
and pp. 62-63, below. DiyarbakrI, II, 206 bottom, says that he was captured and
asked to be executed.

309. Cf. Nuwayri, 62.

The Account Regarding al-'Ansi the Liar

49

at Dhu al-Qas§ah; it was the first conquest. He put in (Dhu
al-Qassah) al-Nu'man b. Muqarrin at the head of a number (of
troops] and returned to Medina. The polytheists were humiliated [1877]
by (this victory), so the Banu Dhubyan and 'Abs fell upon those
Muslims who were among them and slaughtered them; and
those who backed them did as they did. Meanwhile, the [other]
Muslims grew stronger through Abu Bakr's battle. Abu Bakr
swore that he would certainly make slaughter among the poly¬
theists [in vengeance for] every killing [of a Muslim], and would
kill in every tribe [someone] for each of the Muslims whom they
had killed, and more. Ziyad b. Hanzalah al-Tamimi310 said about
that:

By early morn Abu Bakr hastened to them

just as most of them311 strove toward their death.

He rejoiced supremely at their braying

while Hibal312 drooled out his life to them.

He also said:

We set up for them on the left side; then they gathered together
in a jumble,313

like the troop of warriors who make their camels kneel on
well-watered pastures.

They had no endurance for war, when it arose

on the morning when Abu Bakr rose up with [his] men.

We approached the Banu Abs by night, at their nearer
Nibaj,314

and Dhubyan we scared away with back-breaking losses.

Then they continued that [policy]315 until the Muslims in every
tribe were more firm in their religion for it, and [until] the

310. According to Ibn al-Athir, Usd, II, 213, he had been sent by the Prophet
to help the TamimI chieftain Qays b. 'Asim resist the "false prophet"
Musaylimah.

3 1 1. Reading, with Cairo, julal, rather than halal as in the text.

312. IK has "mountains."

313. Fa-kubkibQi cf. kabkaba, "troop," in the next line, presumably an
allusion to Qur ’an 26:94.

314. The nearer of the "two Nibajes" (al-Nibajan) was near Mt. Salma, about
400 km northeast of Medina; cf. Ibn Manzur, II, 372; Yaqut, s.v. "Nibajan";
Thilo, 76 and Map B.

315. I.e., of severe retaliations; lit., "they did nothing but that."

5°

The Conquest of Arabia

[1878] fortunes (amr) of the polytheists were reversed in every tribe.
The sadaqah tax316 of [various] people came to Medina by night,
[brought by] $afwan and then al-Zibriqan and then 'Adi317 —
$afwan [arriving] at the beginning of the night, and the second
[installment] in the middle of it, and the third at the end of
it. The one who announced the good news of [the arrival of]
$afwan was Sa'd b. Abi Waqqas,318 and the one who announced
al-Zibriqan was 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Awf,319 and the one who
announced 'Adi was 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud — or, according to
other [traditionists], Abu Qatadah.320 As each one of them ap¬
peared, the people said, “[He is] bringing a warning [about the
enemy]!"321 But Abu Bakr said, "This is a bearer of good tidings,
this is a protector, not [someone] worn out [from urgency]."
Then, after he had divulged the good news, they said, “Long
live322 the good news you announce!"

That was sixty days after Usamah's departure; a few days after
that, Usamah323 came [back to Medina], two months and some
days [after his departure]. Thereupon Abu Bakr left him in
charge of Medina, saying to him and his army, “Rest, and rest
your riding camels." Then he went out, leading those who had
gone out to Dhu al-Qassah and those who had been in the passes

316. Cf. Diyarbakri, II, 103-4.

317. Cf. Balansi, 11, 17-18, NuwayrI, 61-63. Safwan is probably Safwan b.
Safwan, the Prophet's tax agent over the 'Amr clan of Tam!m; cf. Ibn al-Athlr,
Usd, III, 13, and p. 85, below. Al-Zibriqan b. Badr, chief of Sa'd-Tamim, had
come to the Prophet with his tribe's delegation and was appointed collector of
sadaqah tax upon his clan of Banu 'Awf; cf. Ibn al-Athir, Usd, II, 194. 'Adi b.
Hatim, a chief of Tayyi’, had been appointed by the Prophet as tax collector over
parts of the tribes of Asad and Tayyi’; cf. El2, s.v. "'Adi b. Hatim" (A. Schaade);
Landau-Tasseron, "Asad from Jahiliyya to Islam," 19-zo; Landau-Tasseron,
"The Participation of Tayyi" in the Ridda, infra.

318. Important early convert from the Zuhrah clan of Quraysh, sometimes
said to have been the third male to embrace Islam. Cf. Ibn Sa'd, Hl/r, 97-105;
Watt, Mecca, 89-90.

319. Another early convert from Banu Zuhrah of Quraysh. Cf. El2, s.v. "'Abd
al-Rahman b. 'Awf" (M. Th. Houtsma-W. M. Watt); Watt, Mecca, 89-90.

3 10. Abu Qatadah al-Harith b. Rib'i al-Salmi al-Ansari, of the Khazraj tribe, an
early Medinan follower of the Prophet; cf. Ibn al-Athir, Usd, V, 173-75.

311. Text simply has nadhir, "a warner," but the term is used in the military
context in the sense of one bringing news of the enemy.

311. Lit., "may it be long."

313. Cf. Nuwayri, 63.

The Account Regarding al-'Ansi the Liar 5 1

on that side (of the city]. But the Muslims said to him, "Oh
Caliph of the Apostle of God, we beg you by God not to expose
yourself [to battle], for if you were to be struck down there
would be no order among the people. It would be harder on the
enemy if you were to remain (here). So send a man [in your
place]; then if he is struck down you can put another in com¬
mand." But [Abu Bakr] said, "No, by God, I won't do it; indeed, I
will set an example for you myself." Then he marched out in
battle order to Dhu Husa and Dhu al-Qassah, with Abdallah
and Suwayd in their accustomed positions,324 until they de¬
scended upon the people of al-Rabadhah at al-Abraq. They
fought, God destroying al-Harith and Awf;325 al-Hutay’ah326
was taken prisoner, and Abs and Banu Bakr327 fled. Abu Bakr
remained a few days at al-Abraq. Banu Dhubyan had dominated
the country, but he said, "It is [henceforth] forbidden for Banu
Dhubyan to control this country, since God has given it to us {1879]
as spoil," and removed it [from their control] 328 Now, when the
apostates had been overcome, and entered [once again] the gate
[by] which they had [formerly] gone out, and [Abu Bakr] had
treated the people leniently,329 the Banu Thalabah came to
encamp in [this country] — it had been their camping grounds —
but were kept from it; so they came to Medina, saying, "Why
have we been kept from camping in our country?" Whereupon
(Abu Bakr) said, "You lie; it is no land of yours, but a gift
restored to me [after having been stolen]," and granted them no
favor. He reserved al-Abraq for the horses of the Muslims and
made the rest of the country of al-Rabadhah a pasture for the
people, the Banu Tha'labah notwithstanding. Then he reserved
all of it for the [camels paid as] sadaqah tax [to] the Muslims,

314. Lit., “over what they had been over"; 'Abdallah and Suwayd b. Muqarrin,
described on p. 48, above, as commanding the left flank and rear, respectively.
The third brother, al-Nu'man, had been left at Dhu al-Qa?§ah.

325. On al-Harith and 'Awf, see p. 45, above.

326. Kos and Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 345: al-Khafbah.

327. Probably Bakr b. 'Abdmanat b. Kinanah, a main segment of this tribe that
included many important clans. Cf. Caskel, I, Tables 36ff. and II, 222.

328. Ajld-hd-, i.e., Abu Bakr deported the Banu Dhubyan from this territory.

329. The text of this phrase is at best elliptical, perhaps corrupt. Kos has "and
damage had become widespread." Here and several lines below "the people"
[al-nas] refers to the former rebels.

52

The Conquest of Arabia

because of a fight that occurred between the people and the
collectors of the sadaqah taxes.330 So he barred on that account
one from the other. After 'Abs and Dhubyan were broken up,
they took refuge with Tulayhah. Tulayhah had encamped at
Buzakhah,331 having traveled to it from Samira’, and stayed
there.

About the battle of al-Abraq, Ziyad b. Hanzalah said:

How many a battle have we witnessed at al-Abraq
[victorious] against Dhubyan ablaze in fury?

We brought them an onerous disaster

with the Veracious One332 when he stopped remonstrating.

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — 'Abdallah b. Sa'Id b.
Thabit b. al-Jidh' and Haram b. 'Uthman — 'Abd al-Rahman b.
Ka'b b. Malik: When Usamah b. Zayd arrived, Abu Bakr
went out, leaving him in charge of Medina. He proceeded until
he came to al-Rabadhah, [and] met Banu 'Abs and Dhubyan
[1880] and a group of Banu 'Abd Manat b. Kinanah. Then he met them
at al-Abraq, whereupon he fought them so that God put them to
flight and routed them. Then he returned to Medina. Now, when
the army of Usamah collected and those around Medina re¬
turned to obedience,333 (Abu Bakr) went out to Dhu al-Qassah
and encamped with them, one stage from Medina in the direction
of Najd. Then he divided the army there and tied the banners;334
he tied eleven banners over eleven armies and ordered the com¬
mander of each army to convoke those armed Muslims who had
passed by him, leaving some of the armed men to defend their
country.

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf— Sahl b. Yusuf — al-
Qasim b. Muhammad:335 When Usamah and his army had

330. Or perhaps "recipients of the sadaqah taxes": ashdb al-sadaqat.

331. A well in the Najd, in Asad or Tayyi’ country. Cf. El2, s.v. "Buzakha"
(C. E. Bosworthj.

332. Al-Siddiq, the epithet of Abu Bakr.

333. Or "collected, gathered in numbers," thdba.

334. The phrase "to tie a banner [for someone]," used here and in the
following sentences, is an idiom also meaning "to appoint [someone] the
commander of an army."

335. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 345-46; Nuwayri, 64-65; Caetani, 601-3.

The Account Regarding al-'AnsI the Liar

53

rested their riding camels and had assembled, and more sadaqah
taxes than they needed had come in, Abu Bakr deployed the
expeditionary forces and tied the banners,336 eleven banners [in
all]. He tied a banner for Khalid b. al-Walid,337 ordering him [to
fight] Tulayhah b. Khuwaylid, and then when he finished to
march against Malik b. Nuwayrah338 at al-Butah,339 if he
resisted him. [He also tied a banner] for 'Ikrimah b. Abi Jahl,340
ordering him [to fight] Musaylimah; and for al-Muhajir b. Abi
Umayyah, ordering him (to fight] the armies of [al-Aswad] al-
'AnsI and to help the Abna5 against Qays b. Makshuh and
those people of Yemen who supported him against them. Then
(al-Muhajir) was supposed to pass on to Kindah in Hadramawt.

[He tied a banner] for Khalid b. SaTd b. al-As, who had come
at that time from the Yemen and left his governorship, and sent
him to al-Hamqatayn in the Syrian heights,- and for Amr b.
al-'As341 [to go] to the combined [tribes of] Quda'ah and [to]

Wadi'ah (al-Kalbi)342 and al-Harith (al-Subay'i) 343 And [he tied
a banner also] for Hudhayfah b. Mihsan al-Ghalfani344 and [1881]

336. I.e., appointed the commanders of various forces.

337. Prominent military commander of the Makhzum clan of Quraysh and a
relatively late convert. Cf. Ef1, s.v. "Khalid b. al-Walid" (P. Crone).

338. Chief of the Yarbu' branch of Tamim, appointed by the Prophet as tax
collector over part of Tamim but said in some |but not all) accounts to have
withheld tax after the Prophet's death. Cf. Ibn al-Athlr, Usd, IV, 295-96;
Shoufani 82-83; El2, s.v. "Malik b. Nuwayra" (E. Landau-Tasseron).

339. A well in the Najd, in Asad country ca. 400 km east-northeast of Medina.
Cf. Yaqut, s.v.; Thilo, s.v. and map C; TAVO B, VII, 1.

340. Fierce opponent of the Prophet from Makhzum of Quraysh; he fled after
conquest of Mecca by the Prophet to avoid execution; later he was pardoned by
the Prophet and given important posts. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Usd, IV, 4-7.

341. Late convert from the Sahm clan of Quraysh, sent by the Prophet to be
tax agent in 'Uman. Cf. Ef1, s.v. "'Amr b. al-'As" (A. J. Wensinck); Ibn al-Athir,
Usd, IV, 115-18.

342. Cf. p. 43, above. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 346 omits this name.

343. Cf. p. 45, above. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 346 omits this name.

344. According to Tabari, he was of Himyar; he later served as 'Umar's
governor of 'Uman and al-Yamama and participated in the conquest of Iraq
(p. 152, below; fabari I, 2207, 2212). However, Ibn al-Kalbi considers him the
same as 'Uyaynah b. Hi§n al-Fazari (see note 403, below); cf. Caskel, II, 328
("Hudhayfah b. Hi§n") and 580 ("'Uyayna b. Hi§n"). Tabari considers them two
separate individuals, but the possibility of some confusion should be noted.
Hudhayfah’s nisbah "al-Ghalfani" is otherwise unknown, and is sometimes
given in another form (e.g., "al-Qal'ani"; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, I, 390); moreover, the

54

The Conquest of Arabia

ordered him to Daba;345 and for 'Arfajah b. Harthamah346 and
ordered him to Mahrah,347 and commanded the two of them to
join, each one of them having in his own province priority over
his companion. He sent Shurahbll b. Hasanah348 on the heels of
'Ikrimah b. Abi Jahl, saying that when he was finished with al-
Yamamah349 he should betake himself to Quda'ah and fight the
apostates with his cavalry. And [he tied a banner] for Turayfah b.
Hajiz350 and commanded him to [attack] Banu Sulaym and those
who backed them of Hawazin; and [he tied a banner] for Suwayd
b. Muqarrin and ordered him to the coastal district of Yemen,
and for al*'Ala’ b. al-Hadrami351 and ordered him to Bahrayn. So
the commanders set out from Dhu al-Qassah and encamped on
their course [of march], whereupon each commander's army
overtook him, he having charged them with his instructions.352
(Abu Bakr) [also] wrote to all the apostates to whom [a force] had
been sent.

word al-Ghalfani/al-Qal'ani could have resulted from misreading the word al-
Ghatafani — an appropriate nisbah for someone (like ’Uyaynah) from Fazarah, as
Fazarah was a section of Ghatafan.

345. Market town and former capital of 'Uman. Cf. Yaqut, s.v.; Muqaddasi

(BGA 3), 53-

346. A chief of the Bariq clan of Khuza'ah. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Usd, III, 401;
Caskel, II, 192.

347. A tribe of southern Arabia between Hadramawt and 'Uman. Cf. Yaqut,
s.v.; Caskel, II, 382.

348. An ally of the Zuhrah or fumah clan of Quraysh, of uncertain tribal
origin; he was an early convert to Islam. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Usd, II, 391.

349. An oasis district in central eastern Arabia, about 750 km east of Medina,
just west of the Dahna’ sands; its main oases were Hajr (not to be confused with
Hajar) and Jaww. Cf. TAVO B, VII, 1, and Thilo, s.v., and Map D, warning against
misunderstandings in Yaqut and other medieval geographers.

350. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 346, has "Man b. Hajiz." Turayfah is said to have
been a companion of the Prophet by Ibn al-Athir, Usd, II, 51-52 ("Turayfah b.
Hajir"), but little information on him survives. Nuwayri, 65, has "Man b.
Hajiz — but some say Turayfah b. Hajiz. . .

351. Al-'Ala’, of the South Arabian tribe of al-Sadif, had been the Prophet's
governor over Bahrayn,- cf. Ibn al-Athir, Usd, IV, 7-8.

352. The text leaves ambiguous whether this phrase refers to the commanders
instructing the troops or to Abu Bakr's instructing the commanders.

55

Abu Bakr's Letter to the Apostates

[ Abu Bakr’s Letter to the Apostates]353

According to al-Sari— Sayf— Abdallah b. Sa'id— 'Abd al-Rah-
man b. Ka'b b. Malik: Qahdham354 participated with him in
commissioning [the armies] and in writing [the letter to the
apostates], so that the letters to the apostate tribes of the Arabs
were identical:

In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful.
From Abu Bakr, caliph of the Apostle of God, to whom¬
ever this letter of mine may reach among the commoners
and notables who has stood fast in his Islam or who has
turned back from it: Peace upon those who follow the
[true[ guidance and who have not turned back to error
and blindness after [having received] the [true] guidance.
Verily I praise to you God, other than Whom there is no
god. I bear witness that there is no god but God alone,
Who has no associate, and that Muhammad is His Ser¬
vant and His Apostle; we affirm that which he brought,
and that which he denied we declare to be unbelief and
strive against it. Now then: Verily God, may He be
exalted, sent Muhammad with His truth to His creation
as a bearer of good tidings and as a wamer355 and as one
calling (others] to God, with His permission, and as a
light-bringing lamp,356 so that he might warn [all] who
live, and so that the saying against the unbelievers might
be fulfilled.357 So God guided with the truth358 whoever
responded to Him, and the Apostle of God, with His per¬
mission, struck whoever turned his back to Him until he
came to Islam, willingly or grudgingly. Then God took
His Apostle to Him, he having carried out God's com-

353. This material is omitted by Ibn al-Athir, Kamil ; cf. Balansi, 27-19;
Nuwayri, 65-69.

354. He is identified in the index to the Cairo edition as the scribe of Yusuf b.
'Umar, but, as the latter was a governor of the late Umayyad period, he cannot
be meant here,- cf. Tabari, I, 2388, and II, 1739.

355. Cf. Qur’an 2:119.

356. Qur’an 33:46.

357. Qur’an 36:70.

358. Nuwayri, 66: "to the truth."

[1882]

The Conquest of Arabia

56

mand, and counseled His community; and carried out
[the duty] that was upon him; for God had made that
clear to him and to the people of Islam in the book that
was sent down. Thus He said,359 "You are dead, and they
are dead"; and he said,360 "We have not made any man
before you immortal; so, if you die, should they then be
immortal?" And to the believers He said,361 "Muham¬
mad is only an apostle. The apostles before him have
passed away; so, if he dies or is killed, will you turn on
your heels? For he who may turn on his heels will not
harm God one whit, but God will reward the grateful."
So whoever worshiped Muhammad, indeed Muhammad
has died; but whoever worshiped God alone, Who has no
associate, indeed God is always with you,362 Living,
Eternal. He does not die,363 nor do slumber or sleep
take Him; He guards His cause, takes vengeance on His
enemy, and punishes him.

I recommend to you the fear of God and your right
share and portion of God364 and of that which your
Prophet brought you; and that you let yourselves be
guided by His guidance, and cleave to the religion365
of God. For indeed, whomever God has not guided
is astray,366 and whomever He has not made safe is
afflicted, and whomever God has not helped is forsaken.
Whomever God guides is on the right way, and whom-
[1883J ever He allows to go astray is lost. God said,367 "Whom¬

ever God guides is on the right way, but whomever He
lets get lost, you will find no friend to guide him";

359. Qur’an 39:30.

360. Qur’an 21:34.

361. Qur’an 3:144.

362. Lit., “God lies in wait for you," meaning that He is everywhere and
cannot be evaded — a reference to Qur’an 89:14.

363. Cf. Qur’an 2:255.

364. Balansi, 28: ". . . and I urge you to your right share - "

365. Or, possibly, "obedience": din.

3 66. Balansi, 28: "lost," with greater divergence through the remainder of the
paragraph.

367. Qur’an 18:17.

Abu Bakr's Letter to the Apostates

57

nor will any work of his in the world be accepted until
he acknowledges Him; and neither repentance nor
ransom368 will be accepted from him in the afterlife.

I have learned that some of you have turned back
from your religion after you had acknowledged Islam and
labored in it, out of negligence of God and ignorance of
His command, and in compliance with the devil. God
said,369 "When We said to the angels, 'Bow down before
Adam,' they bowed down except for Iblis. He was one
of the jinn} so he strayed from the command of his
Lord. Do you then wish to take him and his offspring as
friends to the exclusion of Me, even though they are
your enemy? How bad an exchange [that isj for the
transgressors!" And He said,370 "The devil is an enemy
to you, so take him for an enemy. He only calls his party
that they may be among the people of the flame." I have
sent to you someone371 at the head of an army of the
Muhajirun and the Ansar and those who follow [them]
in good works. I ordered him not to fight anyone or to
kill anyone until he has called him to the cause of God;
so that372 those who respond to him and acknowledge
[Him] and renounce [unbelief] and do good works, [my
envoy] shall accept him and help him to [do right], but I
have ordered him to fight those who deny [Him] for that
reason. So he will not spare any one of them he can gain
mastery over, [but may] burn them with fire, slaughter
them by any means, and take women and children
captive; nor shall he accept from anyone anything except
Islam. So whoever follows him, it is better for him; but
whoever leaves him, will not weaken God 373 I have

368. Sarf wa'adl. For different possible meanings of this phrase, see Lane,
Arabic- English Lexicon, 1681, col. r top.

369. Qur’an 18:50.

370. Qur’an 35:6.

371. Balansi, 2.8: "Khalid b. al-Walid."

372. The text in Balansi, 28-29, differs considerably for the remainder of this
sentence, although the general import is the same.

373. Or perhaps "God will not be incapable (of dealing with him)."

5«

The Conquest of Arabia

[1884] ordered my messenger to read my letter to you in all

gathering places.374 The invitation [to God's cause] shall
be the call to prayer. If, when the Muslims make the
call to prayer, they do likewise [in response], leave them
alone; but, if they do not make the call to prayer [with
the Muslims], then grant them no respite. And, if they
do make the call to prayer [with the Muslims], ask them
what has come over them; then, if they deny [God],
grant them no respite, but, if they acknowledge [God],
He will accept them and bring them to what they should
do.

So the messengers put the letters through before the armies,
and the commanders went out, taking with them the treaties:375

In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful.
This is a treaty from Abu Bakr, caliph of the Apostle
of God, to so-and-so, sent [by Abu BakrJ when he dis¬
patched [people] to fight whoever had repudiated Islam.
He requires him to fear God to the utmost of his ability
in all his affairs, whether they be secret or public; and he
orders him to take God's command seriously, and to
strive against those who turn away from Him and turn
back from Islam to the desires of the devil,376 [only]
after he has explained to them [why they are to be
attacked]377 and called them to the cause of Islam. Then,
if they respond, he should restrain himself from them;
but if they do not respond, he should launch his attack
against them until they acknowledge Him. Then he

374. Or perhaps ". . . to read my letter in all gathering places of yours." Here it
is not clear whether the text refers to the gathering places of the tribes being
contacted or to those of the messengers; in the latter instance the party
addressed would have shifted from the tribes to the messengers. This shift has
already been completed in the next sentence. The parallel version in Balansi, 19,
ends with this sentence.

375. Cf. Nuwayri, 68-69; Ibn Hubaysh, 16 1. i8ff., a loose parallel written
from Abu Bakr to Khalid b. al-Walld.

376. Ibn Hubaysh: "to error and jahiliyya and the desires [amani] of the

devil _ " The editor of Nuwayri suggests "his refuge" or "place of refuge." The

rest of the sentence is missing in Ibn Hubaysh and in Nuwayri.

377. Ba'da an yughdira ilayhim, lit., "after he has apologized to them."

Abu Bakr's Letter to the Apostates 59

should inform them of [the duties] that are incumbent
upon them and [the advantages] that accrue to them, and
should take what is [imposed] on them and give them
what they are due. He should not give [those that do not
respond] a respite,- nor should the Muslims turn back
from fighting their enemy. Whoever does respond to
God's command and acknowledges Him, he will accept
that from him and help him (to accomplish] it in kind¬
ness. He should only fight whoever denies God [so as to
make him] acknowledge that which has come from [1885]
God. So if [someone] has responded to the call, [the
Muslim] has no cause to get at him; God shall be his
reckoner thereafter in whatever he seeks to conceal.378
Whoever does not respond to the cause of God shall
be killed and fought wherever he may be and wherever
he may have come to, as an enemy.379 [God] shall
not accept from (such a] one anything that he may
give, except Islam; but whoever responds to Him and
acknowledges [Him], He shall accept [it] from him and
instruct him. (The Muslim) should fight whoever denies
[God]; so, if God lets him prevail over (the unbeliever),
he should make slaughter among them by any means,
with weapons and lire; then he should divide that which
God bestowed as spoil upon him, except for the fifth
part, which he should convey to us. And [he should take
care] to prevent his companions from rash acts380 and
evil [deeds], and not to introduce into them auxiliary
troops381 until he can get to know them and leam
what382 they are, [making sure that] they should not be

378. Ibn Hubaysh, r 6: "in his actions."

379. Nuwayri and Cairo read haythu balagha muraghima-hu for the text's
haythu balagha muiaghamatan. Cf. Ibn Hubaysh, 16, last line: "wherever he
learned of their call (to Islam|," haythu balagha bi-du'd'i-him.

380. Lit., "haste," "precipitancy" (al-'ajalah).

381. Text has hashw-, Ibn Hubaysh, 17, has "a kind of people" ( jins min
al-nds ). But cf. Ibn Hubaysh, 43, 4 lines from end, where in another context he
speaks of hashw kathir min al-'arab , "many Arab (i.e., nomad?) auxiliaries."

38a. Ibn Hubaysh, 17: "who."

6o

The Conquest of Arabia

spies,383 and that the Muslims may not be undermined
because of them. And [he should] treat the Muslims
justly and deal gently with them in marching and
encamping, and should seek them out. And none of (the
Muslims] should try to outdo another (in reaching a
place]. [The commander] should follow [my] counsel
regarding good companionship and gentle speech, as far
as the Muslims are concerned.

The Remainder of the Account about Ghatafan at
the Time of Their Joining with Tulayhah and Other
Things Relating to the Affair of Tulayhah

According to 'Ubaydallah b. Sa'd— his uncle — Sayf; and accord-
[1886] ing to al-Sari— Shu'ayb — Sayf — Sahl b. Yusuf — al-Qasim b. Mu¬
hammad and Badr b. al-Khalil and Hisham b. 'Urwah:384 After
Abs and Dhubyan and those attached to them took refuge at al-
Buzakhah, Tulayhah sent to Jadilah and al-Ghawth [proposing
that they] unite with him; so people from the two clans hurried
to him, having ordered their tribe to join them, and came before
Tulayhah. Meanwhile Abu Bakr sent 'Adi [b. Hatim of Jayyi’J
to his tribe, before sending Khalid out from Dhu al-Qassah,
saying, "Overtake them [so that] they will not be destroyed." So
he went out to them and cajoled them.385 Khalid went out on
('Adi's) heels, and Abu Bakr ordered him to begin with Tayyi5 on
the flanks [of the mountains],386 then to head for al-Buzakhah,
and then in third place for al-Butah, and not to leave [a place]
when he finished with a group until he had spoken to (Abu Bakr)
and he had ordered him to do so. Abu Bakr let it be known387

383. ‘Uyun. Manuscript C has "aid" \'awn\-, Kos has "a wealthy person"
[ghani].

384. BalansI, 31; Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 346-47; NuwayrI, 70; Diyarbakri, II,
205-6 (to p. 62., below); Caetani, 608.

385. Lit., "he twirled |the hair) of the upper parts of the camel's back"
(fatala-hum fi al-dhiiwah wa al-ghdrib)-, on the idiom, see Ibn Manzur, XIV, 184,
left col., s.v. al-dhirwah.

386. 'Ala al-’aknaf, that is, on the sides of the "mountains of Tayyi’" (see note
388, below). Al-Aknaf may be a place name, but more probably it was simply a
descriptive term; cf. Yaqut, s.v.

387. I.e., as a ruse. Cf. p. 63, below.

The Account about Ghatafan 6 1

that he was going out to Khaybar and from it would be going
down to gather with him so that he would meet him on the
flanks of Salma.388 So389 Khalid went out, skirting al-Buzakhah,
and inclined toward Aja’, letting it be known that he would be
going out to Khaybar390 and then gathering with them. That
made the Tayyi’ hold back and be slow [in joining] Tulayhah;
meanwhile, 'Adi reached them and invited them [to Islam], At
this they said, "We will never render the oath of allegiance to
Abu al-Fasil." So he said: "There has come to you a group who
would violate your womenfolk. Indeed, you will [have to] nick¬
name him 'the Greatest Stud.'391 So it is your business." At this
they said to him, "Then meet the army [of Khalid] and protect
us from it so that we can extricate those of us who went to al-
Buzakhah [to join Tulayhah]; for, if we break with Tulayhah
while they are in his hands, he will kill them or take them
hostage."

So392 'Adi met Khalid while he was in al-Sunh,393 saying "Oh [1887]
Khalid, hold back from me394 for three days; there should gather
to you five hundred warriors with whom you may strike your
enemy. That is better than that you should hasten them to the
Fire and be distracted by them." So (Khalid) did that, whereupon
'Adi returned to (the tribe of Tayyi’). They had sent their tribes-

388. Bi-al-'aknaf, 'aknaf Salma. Salma and Aja’ (next line) were the "two
mountains of Tayyi’" (modern labal Shammar) in the Najd, about 400 km
northeast of Medina. Cf. El 2, s.vv. "Adja’ and Salma" (W. Caskel); Thilo, s.v.v.
and maps A and B. Cf. Balansi, 21.

389. Cf. Nuwayri, 71 ( — Ibn al-Kalbl).

390. An important oasts town in the northern Hijaz. Cf. EE1, s.v. "Khaybar"
(L. Veccia Vaglieri).

39r. The account turns around a play on words. Abu Bakr literally means
"father of the lively young he-camel"; a bakr is young and strong, perhaps
several years old, and the word is commonly used as a name. The Tayyi’ refer to
him pejoratively as "Abu al-Fa?il"; Fasil, never used as a name, means "newly
weaned camel," presumably implying inexperience, weakness, and helplessness.
The fahl or stallion (here translated "stud") is a byword for strength and vigor;
hence the use of the word to designate the most highly esteemed poets as “fuhul
al-shuara’," etc. Cf. p. 53.

392. Ibn Hubaysh, 18, citing Waqidi, has an interesting variant version of this
section. Cf. Nuwayri, 71.

393. Yaqut knows this as a place in the Najd, but his localization is clearly
derived from this account. Cf. Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI, 148; Emendanda.

394. I.e., from his tribe, Tayyi’. Kos has "from us."

6z The Conquest of Arabia

men395 to (those of them who had joined Tulayhah), so that they
reached them as reinforcements from Buzakhah. But for that,
they would not have been left alone.396 Then 'Adi returned to
Khalid with [news of] their Islam,397 and Khalid set out toward
al-Ansur,398 intending [to confront] Jadilah. At this 'Adi said to
him, "Tayyi’ is like a bird, and Jadilah is one of the wings of
Tayyi’. So give me a few days' time; perhaps God will recover
Jadilah just as he recovered al-Ghawth." So (Khalid) did so. 'Adi
went to them and kept after them until they rendered the oath
of allegiance to him, whereupon he brought (Khalid) [news of]
their Islam. A thousand of their mounted warriors joined the
Muslims. So ('Adi) was the best person born in the country of
Tayyi’ and the greatest of [the tribe], with regard to the blessing
he brought upon them.

As for Hisham b. Muhammad al-Kalbi,399 he alleged that,
when Usamah and those of the army who had been with him
returned, Abu Bakr became earnest about fighting the apostates
and went out with the men. He [remained] with them until he
encamped at Dhu al-Qassah, one stage from Medina toward the
Najd. There he put his armies in battle order, and then sent
Khalid b. al-Walid [to be] over the men. He put Thabit b. Qays400
over the Ansar, ordered him to [join] Khalid,401 and ordered
(Khalid) to head for Talhah402 and 'Uyaynah b. Hisn403 while
the two of them were at Buzakhah, one of the wells of Banu

395. Lit., “their brothers" [ ikhwdna-hum\ .

396. I.e., Tulayhah would not have let them go.

397. Perhaps here and several lines farther on we should translate “their
submission."

398. According to Yaqut, a well of Tayyi’, this side of the sands (i.e., west of
the sands of Nafud and Shaqiq).

399. Cf. Baladhun, Futuh, 95-96; Nuwayri, 71-71; Caetani, 608-9.

400. Thabit b. Qays b. Shammas, orator of the Ansar and of the Prophet; cf.
Ibn al-Athir, Usd, 1, 229-30.

401. I.e., to join Khalid's army as a subordinate commander.

402. I.e., Tulayhah, here given in its regular form, rather than in the usual
pejorative diminutive.

403. A chief of Fazarah; he opposed the Prophet at the Battle of the Ditch
(Khandaq), later embraced Islam, then joined Tulayha in apostasy. According to
Ibn al-Kalbi, 'Uyaynah was a by-name of Hudhayfah b. Mihsan al-Ghalfani (see
note 344, above); Caskel, II, 580. Tabari and Ibn al-Athir, Usd, I, 390, IV,
166-67, clearly consider them different people.

The Account about Ghatafan 63

Asad. (Abu Bakr)404 let it be known that he would go with
those who were with him to meet (Khalid), [coming] from the
direction of Khaybar; that was a ruse, as he had sent all the army
with Khalid, but he wished to let the enemy know that in order
to frighten them; then he returned to Medina. Khalid405 b. al- [1888]
Walid marched until, when he came near the enemy, he sent out
as scouts 'Ukkashah b. Mihsan406 and Thabit b. Aqram, one of
the Banu al-'Ajlan and an ally of the Ansar 407 When the two of
them got near the enemy, Tulayhah and his brother Salamah
came out to take a look 408 As for Salamah, it was not long
before he killed Thabit. Tulayhah called to his brother when he
saw that he had finished off his opponent, [saying], "Help me
with [my] man, for he is getting the better [of me] 409 So they
teamed up against ('Ukkashah) until they killed him,- then they
went back. Khalid advanced with the men until they passed the
slain Thabit b. Aqram, unaware of him until the riding camels
stepped on him with their feet. That distressed the Muslims
greatly,- then they looked, and lo, there prostrate before them
was 'Ukkashah b. Mihsan. So the Muslims were overcome
with grief at that, and said, "Two of the leaders of the Muslims
and two of their horsemen have been killed." So Khalid turned
toward Tayyi’.

According to Hisham — Abu Mikhnaf — Sa'd b. Mujahid — al-

404. The narrative shifts to direct speech (of Abu Bakr) for the first part of this
sentence, but it has been converted to indirect speech in the translation to make
it fit more smoothly with the rest of the account.

405. Here begins a parallel with Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 347, cf. Baladhun,
Futuh, 9 6; Diyarbakn, II, 107 (< Ibn Ishaq); Balansi, 38-39; Ibn Hubaysh, zi
bottom (< Ibn Ishaq), Ibn Hubaysh, zr-zz (Waqidi).

406. An Asadite, ally of 'Abd Shams (Umayyah clan of Quraysh) before Islam,
an early settler in Medina, and one of the most prominent early companions of
the Prophet, who promised him entry into paradise. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Usd, IV,
1 — z.

407. Banu 'Ajlan was a branch of the Hijaz section of the Bali tribe. Thabit was
an early convert in Medina, cf. Ibn al-Athir, Usd, I, zzo; Caskel, II, 546.

408. Lit. "to see and to ask." At this point Nuwayri, yx, inserts the following
passage: "The two of them (Khalid and Salamah) met them both ['Ukkashah and
Thabit], whereupon Salamah challenged Thabit to single combat, and 'Ukkashah
challenged Tulayhah."

409. ’ Akil , "devouring." See Glossary, s.v. Balansi, 39; Diyarbakri, II, Z07,- and
Ibn Hubaysh, zi-zz have "for he is killing me."

64

The Conquest of Arabia

Muhill b. Khallfah — 'Adi b. Hatim: I sent to Khalid b. al-Walid,
[saying]: "March to me and remain with me a few days, so
that I might send to the tribes of Tayyi’ and gather for you
from them more [men] than you have with you. Then I will
accompany you to your enemy." So he marched to me.

According to Hisham — Abu Mikhnaf — 'Abd al-Salam b. Su-
wayd — one of the Ansar: When Khalid saw how grief-stricken
his companions were over the killing of Thabit and 'Ukkashah,
he said to them, "Would you like me to repair with you to one
of the tribes of the Arabs, whose numbers are great, whose
[1889] might410 is strong, and among whom no one has apostatized
from Islam?" To which the men replied, "And what tribe do
you mean, what an excellent tribe it is, by God?" He said,
"Tayyi’." At this they said, "May God give you success, what a
good idea you have had!" So he went with them and stayed with
the army among Tayyi ’.

According to Hisham — Judayl b. Khabbab411 al-Nabhanl of
Banu 'Amr b. Ubayy: Khalid advanced until he encamped at
Uruk,412 the city of Salma.

According to Hisham — Abu Mikhnaf — Ishaq: He encamped at
Aja’, whereupon he put [the army] in order for war; then he
marched until the two [forces] met at Buzakhah, while Banu
'Amir,413 under their chiefs and leaders, were nearby listening
and waiting expectantly [to see] who would be defeated.414

According to Hisham — Abu Mikhnaf — Sa'd b. Mujahid — elders
of his tribe:415 We asked Khalid that we [be allowed to] protect

410. Or perhaps "weapons" or "valor": shawkah.

411. Kos has Judayl b. Jab (?). Nabhan was a branch of the Ghawth clan of
Tayyi’, but no lineage of 'Amr b. Ubayy is listed in it; cf. Caskel, I, table 257, II,
439-

412. Yaqut, s.v. "Uruk," confirms that Uruk is the city of Salma (perhaps
deriving his information from this account) and claims that it was in Ghatafan
country.

413. Banu 'Amir b. Sa'sa'ah, a large tribal group of central Arabia that included
such tribes as Kilab, Ka'b, Amir b. Rabi'ah, Hilal, and Numayr, among others.
Cf. El1, s.v. "Amir b. Sa'sa'a" (W. Caskel).

414. Cf. BalansI, 6.

415. His tribe was Tayyi’. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 347; Caetam, 609.

The Account about Ghatafan 6 5

him against Qays,416 for Banu Asad were our allies, so he said,

"By God, Qays is not the weaker of the two powers; direct
yourself at whichever of the two tribes you wish." Then 'Adi
said: "If [even] the closest of my family and the closest of my
tribe left this religion,417 I would fight them because of it;
so should I abstain from fighting Banu Asad because of their
[former] alliance [with my tribe]? No, by the Eternal God, I will
not!" At this, Khalid said to him: "Fighting against either of
the two parties is [still] holy war [jihad). Do not oppose the [1890]
opinion of your companions; [rather], proceed to one of the two
parties and conduct (your companions) to the enemy they are
most enthusiastic to fight."

Hisham — Abu Mikhnaf — 'Abd al-Salam b. Suwayd: The horse¬
men of Tayyi5 used to meet the horsemen of Banu Asad and
Fazarah before the arrival of Khalid among them, and they would
exchange words without fighting. Asad and Fazarah would say,

"No, by God, we will never render the oath of allegiance to Abu
al-Fasil," whereupon the horsemen of Tayyi’ would say to them,

"I bear witness that [Abu Bakr] will fight you until you [will be
willing to] call him "father of the greatest stud."418

Ibn Humayd — Salamah — Muhammad b. Ishaq — Muhammad
b. Talhah b. Yazid b. Rukanah — 'Ubaydallah b. 'Abdallah b.
'Utbah:419 When the men fought, 'Uyaynah fought energeti¬
cally on the side of Tulayhah at the head of seven hundred of
Banu Fazarah. Tulayhah was wrapped up in a cloak of his in the
courtyard of one of his hair tents, pretending to prophesy for

416. Qays Aylan (or Qays b. Aylan) was a broad genealogical grouping that
included the tribes of Ghatafan, Sulaym, Hawazin, Amir b. Sa'sa'ah, and others.
Cf. Caskel, II, 4 6z, s.v. "Qays b. al-Nas"; El2, s.v. "Kays Aylan" (W. M. Watt).
Presumably in the present context it is meant as a reference to Fazarah, as
suggested by Landau-Tasseron, "The Participation of Tayyi’ in the Ridda," 63. In
this account the Tayyi’ ask Khalid not to line them up against Asad, their former
allies, when the battle is closed, but rather against Fazarah (E. Landau-Tasseron,
personal communication).

417. Kos and Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 347, have "If this came down on those
who are the closest of my family .

418. Cf. p. 61 and note 391, above, for an explanation of the plays on words.

419. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 347-48; Baladhuri, Futuh, 96; Balansi, 35-36;
Diyarbakri, II, 107 top; Ibn Hubaysh, to middle; Ibn Hubaysh, zi; Nuwayri,
7Z-73; Caetani, 614-ij.

66

The Conquest of Arabia

them while the men were fighting. After the warfare had shaken
'Uyaynah and the fighting had become severe, he returned to
Tulayhah and said to him, "Has Gabriel come to you yet?" He
replied that he had not, so ('Uyaynah) returned to fight until,
when the fighting became severe and the warfare shook him
(again), he returned to him and said: "You bastard!420 Has
Gabriel come to you yet?" (Tulayhah) replied, "No, by God."
'Uyaynah was uttering an oath:421 "How long will it be, by
God? It has worn us out!"422 Then he returned to fight, until,
when [the revelation) came, he returned to him and said, "Has
Gabriel come to you yet?" (Tulayhah) said that he had, so he
asked, "So what did he say to you?" He replied, "He told me
that I have a millstone423 like his millstone, and a story424
[1891] that you shall not forget." 'Uyaynah said, "I think God knew
that there would be a story you would not forget, Oh Banu
Fazarah, in this way; so turn away, for by God this one is
a liar."425 So they turned away, and the men were routed.
Whereupon they came to Tulayhah, saying, "What do you order
us [to do)?" Now he had made his horse ready near him, and
prepared a camel for his wife al-Nawar, so when they came to
him and asked him what he ordered them to do, he stood up,
jumped on his horse, and carried his wife to save her. [Then) he
said, "Whoever of you can do as I have done and save his family,
let him do so." Then he traveled by al-Jushiyyah426 until he

42.0. Lit., "May you have no father!"

421. Yaqulu ... hilfan. E. Landau-Tasseron suggests that the text should
perhaps be emended to yaqulu ... talafan, "he said rudely." (personal
communication).

422. Qad balagha minna.

423. Raha. The word has many significations — mill, molar tooth, high rugged
ground, breast, tribe, chief, or any of several other meanings; see Ibn Manzur,
XIV, 314.

424. Baladhuri, Futuh, 96: "a day"; Balansi, 36: "an effect"; Diyarbakri, II, 207
and Ibn Hubaysh, 21: "a matter."

425. Diyarbakri, II, 297, and Ibn Hubaysh, 21, have: . . a matter you will

not forget, Oh Fazarah, in this way'— and he pointed to them [standing! under
the sun. 'This one, by God, is a liar . . Ibn Hubaysh, 20, has "By God, I think
we will have a story we won't forget."

426. Reading with Nuwayri, 73; text has "al-Hawshiyyah." Al-Jushiyyah was,
according to Yaqut (s.v. "Jusiyyah," second half of article), a town between Najd
and Syria.

The Account about Ghatafan

67

reached Syria. His gathering scattered, and God killed some of
them. Banu 'Amir had been near them with their leaders and
chiefs, and those tribes of Sulaym and Hawazin were [also] in
that state, but when God inflicted upon Tulayhah and Fazarah
that which befell them, those [tribes] came, saying, ''We enter
into that which we had left, and we believe in God and His
Apostle, and we accept His sovereignty over our property and
ourselves."

Abu Ja'far said, the reason for the apostasy of 'Uyaynah and
Ghatafan and those who apostatized of Tayyi’ was [as follows]:

According to 'Ubaydallah b. Sa'd— his uncle— Sayf, and ac¬
cording to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Talhah b. al-A'lam— Habib
b. Rabi'ah al-Asadi— 'Umarah b. Fulan al-Asadi:427 Tulayhah [1892]
had apostatized in the lifetime of the Apostle of God, and had
asserted a claim to prophecy, so the Prophet sent Pirar b. al-
Azwar428 to his tax agents429 over the Banu Asad [to find out]
about that, and ordered them to stand firm in that [matter]
against all who apostatized. So they perturbed Tulayhah and
made him afraid. The Muslims encamped at Waridat,430 while
the unbelievers encamped at Samira’, and the Muslims con¬
tinued growing [in numbers] and the unbelievers decreasing
until al-Dirar determined to march on Tulayhah, so that he took
everyone431 who remained peaceably, except for a blow that he
struck [at Tulayhah] with the cutting sword. But [the sword]
shrank from him,432 at which [news of this] spread among the
army. Then, while they were in that state, the Muslims received
the news of the death of their Prophet. People in the army said

427. Diyarbakri, II, 260; Nuwayri, 69-70; Caetani, 606-607.

428. A warrior and poet of Asad; the Prophet appointed him tax agent over the
Banu al-Sayda’ of Asad and Banu al-DIl. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Usd, III, 39-40.

429. 'Ummdl, sometimes the word seems to mean "governor" in a more
general sense.

430. A place northeast of Samira’; cf. Yaqut, s.v. and Thilo, s.v.

431. Reading with Kos and Cairo edition. The sentences that follow are
confused; Nuwayri, 70, evidently in an attempt to smooth them out, has the
following: ". . . so that he took everyone by surrender. Then he agreed to deliver
a blow with a sword, so he shrank from him. [News of] that blow spread among
the army, but they said, The weapons will not affect Tulayhah.’ So while the
army was in that state, the news of the Prophet's death reached them. . . ."

432. I.e., the sword miraculously did not harm Tulayhah.

68

The Conquest of Arabia

about that blow, "Weapons will not affect Tulayhah." So from
that day forth the Muslims knew decreasing (of numbers], and
people scattered to Tulayhah and his situation was in the
ascendant.433 Dhu al-Khimarayn 'Awf al-Jadhami434 approached
so that he encamped opposite us. Thumamah b. Aws b. Lam al-
Ta’i435 sent to him, "With me are 500 of Jadilah, so, if something
should happen to you unexpectedly, we are at al-Qurdudah436
and al-Ansur just this side of the sands. And Muhalhil b. Zayd
sent to him, "With me are the army ( hadd ) of al-Ghawth, so if
1 1 893] something should happen to you unexpectedly, we are on the
flanks [of the mountains] facing Fayd.437 Tayyi’ showed nothing
but benevolence toward Dhu al-Khimarayn 'Awf because there
had been an alliance in the jahiliyyah among Asad and Ghatafan
and Tayyi’; then, some time before the sending of the Prophet,
Ghatafan and Asad gathered against Tayyi’ and forced them to
leave the territory they had had in the iahiliyyah, [both] Jadilah
and Ghawth. 'Awf disliked that, so he broke with Ghatafan. The
two tribes followed one another in emigration. 'Awf sent to
these two tribes of Tayyi’, renewing their alliance, and under¬
took to help them, so that they [were able to] return to their
territories. That distressed Ghatafan; but, when the Apostle of
God died, 'Uyaynah b. Hisn stood up among Ghatafan saying, "I
no longer recognize the boundaries of Ghatafan since the ter¬
mination of what was between us and Banu Asad, so I will
renew the alliance that was between us of old and follow Tulay¬
hah. By God,438 it is preferable for us to follow a prophet from
our two allies than to follow a prophet from Quraysh. [In any

433. Diyarbakri, II, 160, and NuwayrI, 70, gloss this passage, but the idea
there also is clearly that the death of the Prophet strengthened Tulayhah and
weakened the Muslims.

434. Jadhlmah was a clan of Asad. Little information is available on Dhu
al-Khimarayn, "the one with two veils"; cf. Wellhausen, Skizzen VI, 148;
Landau-Tasseron, "The Participation of Tayyi’," 58-59; Landau-Tasseron,
"Asad," ir.

435. Lam b. 'Amr was a branch of the fadilah clan of Tayyi’; cf. Caskel, II, 376.

436. Yaqut, s.v. "al-Qurdudah" offers a variation of this sentence but provides
no further information on its location.

437. Or "at Al-Aknaf facing Fayd." Fayd is a well-known oasis on the Mecca-
Kufa road, just east of Mt. Salma. Cf. Yaqut, s.v.; Thilo, s.v. and Map B.

438. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 341.

The Account about Ghatafan 69

case] Muhammad has died, whereas "Julayhah remains." Then
they agreed with his opinion, so he did [as he had proposed], and
so did they. So when Ghatafan gathered to assist Tulayhah,

Dirar and Quda'i and Sinan439 and whoever [else] had under¬
taken some of the Prophet's work among Banu Asad fled to Abu
Bakr. Those who had been with them were scattered, so they
gave Abu Bakr the news and told him to exercise caution.440
Then Qirar b. al-Azwar said, "I have seen no one, other than the
Apostle of God,441 who is more likely442 to carry out widespread
war than Abu Bakr; for [when] we began to tell him [of it], it
was as if we had informed him of something to his advantage, [1894]
not [something] detrimental to him."

The delegations of Banu Asad and Ghatafan and Hawazin
and Tayyi’443 came to him, and the delegations of Quda'ah
encountered Usamah b. Zayd, whereupon he led them to Abu
Bakr,- so they gathered in Medina, staying with the chiefs of the
Muslims on the tenth [day] after the death of the Apostle of God.

Then they proposed to do the ritual prayer, provided that they be
exempted from the zakat. A council of those who were lodging
them agreed to accept that, so that they might attain what they
desired. Every one of the chiefs of the Muslims lodged someone
of them, except al-'Abbas. Then they came to Abu Bakr to
inform him of their tidings and of what their council had agreed
on. But Abu Bakr did not [agree],444 for he refused [to accept]
anything except what the Apostle of God had accepted. They
refused [these terms], so he sent them back, giving them respite
of a day and a night [to leave], whereupon they dispersed to their
tribes.

439. Quda'i b. 'Ami was the Prophet's tax agent over the Banu al-Harith of
Asad, cf. Tabari I, 1798; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, IV, 305. Sinan b. Abl Sinan b! Mihsan
al-Asadi was an ally of 'Abd Shams (Umayyah — Quraysh) and an early convert to
Islam; he was the Prophet's tax agent over the Banu Malik of Asad; cf. Ibn
al-Athir, Usd, II, 358. On Quda'i and Sinan, cf. Landau-Tasseron, "Asad," 19.

440. Or "vigilant." Kos and Manuscript B omit the phrase.

441. Kos omits this phrase.

442. Amlaa "fuller," hence "more suitable, more capable, more inclined to,"
as suggested by Glossary.

443. Cf. pp. 44-45, and notes.

444. Ilia md kana min Abl Bakr.

70

The Conquest of Arabia

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — al-Hajjaj — Amr b. Shu¬
'ayb:445 The Apostle of God had sent Amr b. al-'As to Jayfar446
upon his return from the farewell pilgrimage.447 Then the Apostle
of God died, while Amr was in 'Uman; so he came until, when
he reached al-Bahrayn, he found al-Mundhir b. Sawi448 on the
point of death. Whereupon al-Mundhir said to him, 'Advise me
with regard to my wealth in a matter that will be to my benefit
and not to my detriment.” He replied, "Give your real property
as an almsgiving ( sadaqah )449 that will continue after you." So
he did that. Then (Amr) left him and marched among the Banu
Tamim;450 then he went from them to the territory of Banu
Amir and stayed with Qurrah b. Hubayrah,451 while Qurrah
[1895I was playing for time,452 and all the Banu Amir likewise, except
for a few.453 Then (Amr) marched until he came to Medina,- at
this Quraysh gathered about him and asked him [for informa¬
tion]. So he informed them that armies were gathered together
from Daba to where he had reached them. At this they dispersed
and formed circles.454 'Umar b. al-Khattab came to greet Amr,
and passed by a circle while they were [talking] about what they

445. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 351-53; Balansi, 43; Diyarbakri, II, 108;
Caetani, 584.

446. Jayfar b. al-Julanda of the Azd tribe and his brother 'Abd were corulers in
'Uman who embraced Islam upon receiving a letter from the Prophet; cf. Caskel,
II, 104, 256 (s.v. “Abd b. al-Julanda"); Ibn al-Athir, Usd, I, 313, Shoufani, 36-37.
Their father, al-Julanda b. al-Mustakir, had founded the dynasty at Suhar; cf.
Caskel, II, 264; J. C. Wilkinson, "The Julanda."

447. The Prophet's final pilgrimage to Mecca, ah 10. Cf. note 104, above.

448. A chief of the Darim clan of Tamim, he was the Prophet's tax agent over
al-Bahrayn; cf. Ibn al-Athir, Usd, IV, 417; Caskel, II, 430.

449. Reading the verb as tasaddaq instead of the text's saddiq. The term
$adaqah is here used in the later sense as alms, rather than as a tax imposed on
nomads; cf. note 242, above.

450. Tamim b. Murr was a powerful tribe of central and northeastern Arabia;
they had close ties to Mecca on the eve of Islam. Cf. Watt, Medina, 137-40;
Caskel, II, 544; M. J. Kister, "Mecca and Tamim," JESHO 8 (1965), 113-63.

451. Chieftain of Banu Qushayr, a part of Amir b. Sa'sa'ah; he embraced Islam
late in the Prophet's life, and was sent by him as tax agent over his tribe. Cf.
Caskel, II, 473; Ibn Hajar, Isabah, s.v.

452. Lit., "putting a foot forward and holding a foot back."

453. Al-khawdss. Kos, manuscript C, and Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, omit the clause
of exception.

454. I.e., circles formed to discuss the news.

The Account about Ghatafan

7i

had heard from 'Amr. In that circle were 'Uthman [b. 'Affan],

'All [b. Abl TalibJ, Talhah [b. 'Ubaydallah], al-Zubayr [b. al-
Awwam], 'Abd al-Rahman [b. Awf], and Sa'd [b. Abi Waqqas] 455
When 'Umar drew near them, they fell silent; so he said, "What
are you [talking] about?" But they did not answer him, so he
said, "How well I know what you are meeting secretly about!"

At this Talhah grew angry and said, "By God, oh Ibn al-Khattab,
then tell us about the unseen!" He replied, "No one knows the
unseen except God; but I think you were saying how much you
fear for Quraysh because of the Arabs, and how likely (the Arabs)
are not to affirm this cause." [When] they said that he was right,
he continued, "Do not fear this situation. By God, I am more
afraid of what you might do to the Arabs than I am of what the
Arabs might do to you! If you were to go into a hole in the
ground, oh company of Quraysh, the Arabs would enter it after
you. So be God-fearing in regard to them." He passed on to Amr
and greeted him, and then returned to Abu Bakr.

According to al-Sari— Shu'ayb— Sayf— Hisham b. 'Urwah—
his father:456 Upon his return from 'Uman after the death of the
Apostle of God, Amr b. al-'As stayed with Qurrah b. Hubayrah
b. Salamah b. Qushayr. Around him was an army of obscure
groups [afna) of Banu Amir. (Qurrah) slaughtered for him457 and
honored his dwelling, and then, when (Amr) wished [to resume]
traveling, Qurrah met with him privately and said to him, "Hey
you, the Arabs will not be pleased with you by the [demand for]
tribute ( al-itawah ). If you spare them the taking of their wealth, [1896]
they will listen to you and obey, but if you deny [that] I do not
think they would gather to you." At this Amr replied, "Have
you become an unbeliever, Oh Qurrah?" Now around (Qurrah)
were the Banu Amir, and (Qurrah) hated to make the fact that
they were following [him] known, lest they should deny
following him, with the result that he would end up in a

455. All leading early converts to Islam, and later the six members of the
council that selected 'Uthman to be the third cahph.

456. Cf. Balansi, 44-45,- Ibn al-Athlr, Kamil, II, 352-53.

457. I.e., slaughtered animals for a feast.

The Conquest of Arabia

72.

disastrous [situation]. So he said, "We shall send you back to
your old ways (he had been a Muslim). Let's set a date between
us and you [to do battle]." Whereupon 'Amr said, "Do you
threaten us458 with the Arabs and [try to] frighten us with them?
Your alliance is [no better than] your mother's knick-knacks!459
By God, I shall make the cavalry trample you!"460 And he came
to Abu Bakr and the Muslims and gave them the news.

According to Ibn Humayd — Salamah — Ibn Ishaq: When
Khalid was done with the matter of Banu 'Amir and their taking
the oath of allegiance accepting [the conditions] that he imposed
on them,461 he bound 'Uyaynah b. Hisn and Qurrah b. Hubayrah
to send them to Abu Bakr. When they came before him,462
Qurrah said to him, "Oh Caliph of the Apostle of God, I had
been a Muslim, and I have a witness to that — to my Islam — in
'Amr b. al-'As, [for] he passed by me, whereupon I honored him
and showed favor to him and protected him." So Abu Bakr
summoned 'Amr b. al-'As, saying, "What do you know about the
affairs of this [man]?" Thereupon ('Amr) told him the story until
he got to what (Qurrah) had said to him regarding the sadaqah
tax,463 [at which] Qurrah said to him, "Let that be enough for
you, may God have mercy on you!" [But] ('Amr] said, "By God,
not until I have informed him of everything that you said." So
he related [it] to him, but Abu Bakr pardoned (Qurrah) and
spared his life.

[1897] According to Ibn Humayd — Salamah — Muhammad b. Ishaq —
Muhammad b. Talhah b. Yazld b. Rukanah— 'Ubaydallah b.
'Abdallah b. 'Utbah:464 Those who saw 'Uyaynah b. Hisn with

458. Reading a-tuiduna with Cairo ed. and manuscript B for a-tuwaiduna in
the text.

459. Text: hifsh; Cairo: hafsh, meaning "your mother's lowly hut," or
"incense box" or "box for spindles," etc., in any case, intended as a denigration
of Qurrah's promise.

460. Reading with the Cairo edition.

461. Cf. pp. 66-67, above, on 'Amir's oath of allegiance) Caetani, 621-22.

462. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 353; Baladhuri, Futuh, 97; Balansi, 47-48; Ibn
Hubaysh, 26-27.

463. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil: zakat.

464. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 348; Balansi, 47; Diyarbakn, II, 208; Ibn
Hubaysh, 25; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, IV, 167; Nuwayri, 74; Caetani, 622.

The Account about Ghatafan

73

his hands bound to his neck with a rope informed me that the
boys of Medina used to prick him with palm branches, saying,
"Oh enemy of God, have you become an unbeliever after [ac¬
knowledging] your faith?” Whereupon he would say, "By God, I
never believed in God." But Abu Bakr pardoned him and spared
his life.

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Sahl b. Yusuf:465 The
Muslims took a man of Banu Asad, so he was brought to Khalid
at al-Ghamr.466 He was knowledgeable about the affairs of
Tulayhah, so Khalid said to him, "Tell us about him and about
what he says to you." Whereupon he alleged that among the
things he brought [as revelation] was: "By the doves and the wild
pigeons, by the famished sparrow hawk, they fasted467 before
you by years, may our kingship reach Iraq and Syria."468

According to al-Sari— Shu'ayb— -Sayf— Abu Ya'qub Said
b. 'Ubaydah:469 When the people of al-Ghamr took refuge at
al-Buzakhah, Tulayhah stood up among them. Then he said,
"I order you to make a millstone with handles,470 with which
God can grind up471 those whom He will, and upon which He
may throw down those whom He will." Then he put his armies
in battle order. After that he said,472 "Send two horsemen on
two dark horses of Banu Nasr b. Qu'ayn,473 bringing you a
spy." So they sent out two horsemen of Banu Qu'ayn, where¬
upon he and [his brother] Salamah went out as two lookouts.

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — 'Abdallah b. Said b.
Thabit b. al-Jidh' — 'Abd al-Rahman b. Ka'b474 — those of the

465. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 348-49, Nuwayri, 70, Caetani, 605.

4 66. A well of Asad, evidently just south of Mt. Aja’, cf. Yaqut, s.v.; Thilo, s.v.
and Map B.

467. Text and Nuwayri, 70: "stood surety" (?), we read with Cairo edition.

468. This passage, like the one at the end of the next paragraph, is couched in
rhymed prose reminiscent of the Qur’an, unlike the Qur’an, however, the
doggerel attributed to Tulayhah has a ludicrous or comic effect.

469. Cf. Balansi, 33, from third sentence onwards, Caetani, 605-6.

470. Ralian dhatu 'man.

471. Lit., "strike, smite": a$aba.

472. Cf. Ibn Hubaysh, 19, 1. i6f.

473. A clan of Asad, closely related to Tulayhah's clan. Cf. Caskel, II, 446 and
Table 50, Landau-Tasseron, "Asad," 2.

474. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 349 top, Caetani, 617-18.

[1898]

74

The Conquest of Arabia

Ansar who witnessed Buzakhah: At Buzakhah Khalid did not
capture a single family; the families of Banu Asad were guarded.
(According to Abu Ya'qub: [the families of Asad were] between
Mithqab and Falj,475 and the families of Qays were between Falj
and Wasit.476) So no sooner were they defeated than they all
recognized Islam out of fear for [their] off-spring, and protected
themselves from Khalid by honoring his demands,477 and claimed
[assurances of] safety. Tulayhah478 went on until he descended
among Kalb at al-Naq';479 then he embraced Islam and remained
staying among Kalb until Abu Bakr died. He embraced Islam
there when he had learned that Asad and Ghatafan and 'Amir
had embraced Islam. Then he went out toward Mecca to make
the ' umrah 480 during the reign of Abu Bakr, and passed by
Medina. At this Abu Bakr was told that this was Tulayhah; but
he said, "What should I do to him? Leave him alone; for God has
guided him to Islam." Tulayhah continued toward Mecca and
performed his 'umrah. Then he came to 'Umar to render the
oath of allegiance when he assumed the caliphate. So 'Umar
said to him, "You are the murderer of 'Ukkashah and Thabit; by
God, I do not like you at all." To which he replied, "Oh Com¬
mander of the Faithful, why are you troubled by two men whom
God ennobled by my hand,481 when He did not disgrace me
through their hands?" So 'Umar accepted the oath of allegiance
from him; then he said to him, "You imposter, what is left of
your soothsaying?" He replied, "A puff or two in the bellows."
Then he returned to the territory of his tribe and remained in it
until he left for Iraq.

475. Yaqut is vague on Mithqab, there being several places with the name.
Falj (or Batn Falj) is a wide valley in northeast Arabia, stretching toward Basrah
in Iraq,- cf. Yaqut, s.v., Thilo, s.v. and Map B.

476. Wasit is, again, difficult to localize, since many places bore this name.

477. Ittaqaw Khalidan bi-lalabatihi. Cf. Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI, 148.

478. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 348; Baladhuri, Futuh, 96; Nuwayri, 74-75.

479. Kalb b. Wabarah was a strong tribe of the Quda'ah confederation in
northern Arabia and the Syrian steppe. Cf. Caskel, II, 368; El1, s.v. "Kalb b.
Wabara" jf. W. Fuck). No information on the location of al-Naq' is listed in the
standard geographical sources.

480. The "lesser pilgrimage" to Mecca.

481. I.e., by making them martyrs.

The Apostasy of Hawazin, Sulaym, and 'Amir 75

The Apostasy of Hawazin , Sulaym, and Amir [ 1 899 J

According to al-Sari— Shu'ayb— Sayf— Sahl and 'Abdallah:482
As for Banu 'Amir, they played for time while they looked to
see what Asad and Ghatafan would do. So when they were
surrounded while Banu Amir was under their leaders and
chiefs, Qurrah b. Hubayrah was among Ka'b483 and their allies,
and 'Alqamah b. 'Ulathah among Kilab484 and their allies.

Now 'Alqamah had embraced Islam and then apostatized in
the time of the Prophet; then he went out after the [Prophet's]
conquest of al-Ta’if until he reached Syria. So when the Prophet
died, (Alqamah) came back hurriedly so that he encamped
among the Banu Ka'b, playing for time. Abu Bakr learned of
that, so he sent a raiding party to him, putting al-Qa'qa' b.

'Amr485 in command of it. He said, "Oh Qa'qa', march until
you raid 'Alqamah b. 'Ulathah. Perhaps you will take him
[captive] for me or kill him; [but] know that the [only] remedy
for a tear is to stitch it up, so do what you must." So he went
out at the head of this raiding party until he raided the spring
where 'Alqamah was. (Alqamah) was still holding back, so
he made an effort to outdistance them on his horse and escaped
them.486 His family487 and his children embraced Islam, so (al-
Qa'qa') carried off his wife and his daughters and his [other]
womenfolk and those men who stood fast, who protected them¬
selves from him through submission ( islam ). Then he brought
them before Abu Bakr, whereupon 'Alqamah's children and his
wife denied that they had assisted him while they were staying
in [his] household. That was all (Abu Bakr) learned;488 and

48Z. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 349; Caetani, 603-4, 619-10.

483. Ka'b b. Rabi'ah was the subsection of 'Amir b. Sa'sa'ah to which Qurrah 's
tribe, Qushayr, belonged.

484. Kilab b. Rabi'ah was a tribe of the Amir b. Sa'sa'ah group residing in west
central Arabia, east of Medina. 'Ulathah was a chief of Kilab, whom the Prophet
made a special effort to win over following the conquest of Mecca in a h 8.

485. A poet and warrior of the 'Amr clan of Tamim, he later occupies a
prominent role in Sayf's accounts of the Islamic conquests. Cf. Ella Landau-
Tasseron, "Sayf Ibn 'Umar in Medieval and Modern Scholarship," 16.

486. Cf. Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI, 148.

487. Cf. Balansi, 48; Ibn Hubaysh, 17 top.

488. I.e., he learned no incriminating information about them.

7^

The Conquest of Arabia

[1900] they said, "What is our fault in what 'Alqamah did in this
[situation]?" So (Abu Bakr) set them free. Afterward ('Alqamah)
submitted,489 so (Abu Bakr) accepted that from him.

According to al-Sari— Shu'ayb— Sayf— Abu 'Amr and Abu
Damrah— Ibn Sirin: A similar account.490 After the defeat of the
people of Buzakhah, Banu 'Amir came, saying, "Let us enter
that which we had left," so he491 made an agreement with them
on [the same terms] that the people of Buzakhah from Asad and
Ghatafan and Tayyi’ had agreed to before them. They gave him
their hands492 to Islam. The only thing he would accept from
anyone of Asad or Ghatafan or Hawazin493 or Sulaym or Tayyi’
was that they bring him those who during their apostasy had
burned the people of Islam and mutilated them494 and waged
aggression against them; so they brought them to him, where¬
upon he accepted that from them {as atonement] except for
Qurrah b. Hubayrah495 and some people with him whom he
fettered. He mutilated those who had waged aggression against
Islam by burning them with fire, smashing them with rocks,
throwing them down from mountains, casting them headlong
into wells, and piercing them with arrows; and he sent Qurrah
and the [other] prisoners496 and wrote to Abu Bakr, "Banu
'Amir has come forward after being reluctant, and entered
Islam after awaiting [the outcome of things], I have accepted
nothing from anyone, whether he fought me or made peace with
me, until he brought me whoever waged aggression against the
Muslims; those I have killed by every means of slaughter. And I
have sent you Qurrah and his companions."

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Abu 'Amr — Nafi': Abu
Bakr wrote to Khalid, "May that which God has granted you by
way of blessings increase for you! Fear God in your affairs, for

489. Or: embraced Islam.

490. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 350; Caetani, 620-21.

49 r. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, says "Khalid.”

492. This refers to the traditional hand clasp symbolizing the bay'ah, or oath
of allegiance.

493. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, has 'Amir.

494. Here and below, maththala, "to mutilate" or "to punish severely."

495. Cf. Wathima, 7/46.

496. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, adds: "and Zuhayr."

The Apostasy of Hawazin, Sulaym, and 'Amir 77

verily God is with those who are pious and who do good works. [1901]
Take seriously the command of God and be not remiss; for you
shall not be victorious over anyone who fought the Muslims
unless you fight him and, by punishing him as an example, warn
another. So kill whomever you like of those who showed enmity
to God or who opposed Him, [if] you think there will be some
benefit in doing so." Hence (Khalid) remained in al-Buzakhah for
a month, going 'round about it497 and returning to it in pursuit
of those [evildoers]; so that some of them were burned and some
cut to pieces and some smashed with rocks and some thrown
from mountaintops. He brought Qurrah and his companions, but
they did not encamp, nor was there said to them what had been
said to 'Uyaynah and his companions,498 because they were
not in the same situation and had not done the things [the
companions] had done.

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb— Sayf— Sahl and Abu Ya'¬
qub:499 The shattered remnants of Ghatafan500 gathered at
Zafar.501 With them was Umm Ziml Salma, daughter of Malik
b. Hudhayfah b. Badr; she resembled her mother Umm Qirfah,
daughter of Rabi'ah b. Fulan b. Badr.502 Now Umm Qirfah had
been [married} to Malik b. Hudhayfah and bore him Qirfah,
Hakamah, Jurashah,503 Ziml, Husayn, Shank, Abd, Zufar,
Mu'awiyah, Hamalah, Qays, and Lay. As for Hakamah, the
Apostle of God killed him on the day 'Uyaynah b. Hisn raided
the livestock of Medina; Abu Qatadah [actually] killed him.

So those shattered remnants rallied around Salma,- she was as
renowned as her mother [had been], and she had Umm Qirfah's [1901]
camel, so (Ghatafan) encamped with her. Then she stirred them

497. Lit., "ascending and descending from it."

498. Cf. p. 73, above.

499. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 350; Caetani, 623-14.

500. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, has "Ghatafan and Tayyi’ and Sulaym and Hawazin
and others." Cf. list on p. 78, below.

joi. Yaqut, s.v., places this near Hawab on the Ba$rah-Mecca road, but the
localization is probably derived from this account; cf. p. 78 and note 503, below.

502. Her name was Fatimah bt. Rabi'ah b. Badr; a paternal cousin of Malik b.
Hudhayfah. Cf. Caskel, I, Table 130; II, 246 and 477; Ibn al-Athir, Kamil.

503. Caskel, I, Table 130, has "Khurashah."

78

The Conquest of Arabia

up and commanded them to make war, and marched about at
the head of them summoning them to make war on Khalid,
until they [all] gathered about her. They became encouraged on
that account, and solitary remnants congregated to them from
every side. ([Back] in the days of Umm .Qirfah, (Salma) had been
taken captive and had fallen to 'A’ishah, who then set her free,
so that [Salma] used to be with her. Subsequently [Salma] re¬
turned to her own tribe. Now one day504 the Prophet called on
them and said, "Verily, one of you [women] will make the dogs
of Haw’ab505 bark." Salma caused that to happen when she
apostatized and demanded that vengeance.) Then she marched
about between Zafar and al-Haw’ab to gather [followers] to her¬
self, whereupon every company of vanquished warriors and every
oppressed person from those clans of Ghatafan and Hawazin and
Sulaym and Asad and Tayyi’ rallied to her. So when Khalid
learned of that, while he was engaged in exacting vengeance and
taking sadaqah tax and calling people [to Islam] and calming
them down, he marched to the woman. Her situation had grown
grave and her case was serious, so he fell upon her and her
followers; then they fought intensely while she was standing
on her mother's camel with the same bravery as [her mother].
People began to say, "Whoever goads her camel shall have one
hundred camels because of her fame." [Many] noble families of
Khasi’506 and Haribah507 and Ghanm508 perished on that day,
(Abu Ja'far [al-Tabari] said: Khasi’ is a clan of Ghanm.) and

504. That is, one day when she was still in A’ishah's household.

50s. Haw’ab was a well on the Basrah road in the territory of Banu Abu Bakr
b. Kilab, south of Hima Dariyyah, 315 km east of Medina. Cf. Yaqut, s.v. and
Thilo, s.v.

506. Cairo has fas; Emendanda proposes Jalas; Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI, 148
suggests Jasi, a branch of Dhubyan, and says that Tabari's note equating them
with Ghanm is not right. Ibn al-Athlr, Lubab, relates "al-Jasi" to a branch of
Fazarah — Lawdhan, but no one else knows of it. Perhaps we should read Jassas
[b. 'Amr|, the name of a family of Fazarah; cf. Caskel, II, 160 and Ibn Hazm,
lamharat ansab al-'Arab (Cairo 1971), 156.

507. Haribah b. Dhubyan was a declining branch of Dhubyan (Caskel, II, 179).

508. Possibly Ghanm b. Abdallah of Ghatafan. The Cairo edition (index)
identifies it as Ghanm of Banu Hadas, but according to Ibn al-Kalbi, Hadas was a
clan of Lakhm from Transjordan, and seems to have included no subclan named
Ghanm. (Caskel, II, 290).

The Apostasy of Hawazin, Sulaym, and 'Amir 79

among the people [many] were struck down of Kahil.509 Their
fighting was intense until some horsemen gathered around
[Salma's] camel, wounding it and killing her. Around her camel
were slain a hundred men. (Khalid) sent [news of] the victory, so
that it arrived about twenty days after [the arrival of] Qurrah. [1903]
According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Sahl and Abu Ya'¬
qub:510 The story of al-Jiwa’ and Na'ir511 was that al-Fuja’ah
Iyas b. 'Abd Yalll512 came to Abu Bakr saying, “Assist me with
weapons and order me [to fight] whomever you wish of the
apostates." So (Abu Bakr) gave him weapons and gave him his
command. But he disobeyed his command with regard to the
Muslims, going out until he camped at al-Jiwa’, and he sent
Najabah513 b. Abu al-Maytha’ from the Banu al-Sharid514 and
ordered him against the Muslims. So he launched them in a raid
against every Muslim amongst Sulaym, Amir and Hawazin.

Abu Bakr learned of that, so he sent to Turayfah b. Hajiz515
ordering him to gather [men] to himself and to march against
(al-Fuja’ah)j and he sent Abdallah b. Qays al-Jasx516 to him by
way of reinforcement, so he [went]. Then the two of them rose
up against (al-Fuja’ah) and pursued him, so he began to seek
shelter from the two of them until they caught up with him at
al-Jiwa’, whereupon they fought. Najabah was killed and
Fuja’ah fled, so Turayfah followed him and took him captive,
sending him to Abu Bakr. [When] he was brought to Abu Bakr he

509. Presumably Kahil b. Asad; cf. Caskel, II, 368. However, ktihil may have a
more general sense, meaning “those upon whom [people] relied."

510. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 350-51; Baladhuri, Futuh, 98; Caetani, 624-
*5; Balansi, i3off. BalansI links al-Jiwa’ to the story of Abu Shajarah; see
pp. 8 iff., below.

5 1 1. According to Yaqut, al-Jiwa’ was a well in the Hima Dariyyah, ca.
325 km east of Medina. Yaqut's localization of Na'ir is derived from this
account.

ji2. Baladhuri, Futuh, 98. "al-Fuja’ah, who was Bujayr b. Iyas b. 'Abdallah
al-Sulami." Caskel, II, 228-29 and *47‘- Bujayrah b. Iyas of Banu 'Amirah of
Sulaym, noting that the manuscript of Ibn al-Kalbi has "Bahirah."

513. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 350: Nukhbah.

514. Sharid b. Riyab was a branch of Sulaym (Caskel, II, 527).

jij. Of Sulaym,- cf. Shoufani, 138. Ibn al-Athir, Usd, III, 51 (“Turayfah b.
Hajir") adds nothing to Tabari's account.

516. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 351: al-Jashi. Manuscript B: no points. Manuscript
C: Jasi of Qays. Cf. note 506, above.

8o

The Conquest of Arabia

ordered a fire to be kindled with much firewood in the prayer
yard ( musalld ) of Medina and threw him, with arms and legs
bound, into it.

According to Abu Ja'far — Ibn Humayd — Salamah — Muham¬
mad b. Ishaq — 'Abdallah b. Abi Bakr, regarding the affair of al-
Fuja’ah:517 A man of Banu Sulaym came to Abu Bakr. He was
Iyas b. Abdallah b. 'Abd Yalil b. 'Umayrah b. Khufaf, called al-
[1904] Fuja’ah. He said to Abu Bakr, "I am a Muslim, and I want to
fight518 those unbelievers who have apostatized; so give me a
mount and help me." So Abu Bakr mounted him upon camels
and gave him weapons, whereupon he went forth indiscrimi¬
nately against the people, Muslim and apostate [alike], taking
their property and striking whoever of them tried to resist. With
him was a man of Banu al-Sharid named Najabah b. Abi al-
Maytha’. So when Abu Bakr received news of him, he wrote to
Turayfah b. Hajiz: "The enemy of God al-Fuja’ah came to me,
alleging that he was a Muslin, and asked me to empower him
over those who apostatized from Islam, so I mounted him and
armed him. Then absolutely certain information reached me
that the enemy of God has gone forth indiscriminately against
the people, the Muslim and the apostate [alike], taking their
property and killing whoever of them opposes him. So march
against him with whatever Muslims are with you until you kill
him or take him [captive] to bring to me." Turayfah b. Hajiz
duly marched against (al-Fuja’ah). Then when the people met
they shot arrows back and forth, whereupon Najabah b. Abi al-
Maytha’ was killed by an arrow shot at him. So when al-Fuja’ah
saw the earnestness of the Muslims, he said to Turayfah, "By
God, you are no more entitled to command than I am; you are a
commander of Abu Bakr, and I [likewise] am his commander."
At this Turayfah said to him, "If you are telling the truth, then
lay down your weapons and depart with me to Abu Bakr." So he
went out with him. Then when the two of them approached
Abu Bakr, he ordered Turayfah b. Hajiz to take him out to this
clearing519 and burn him in it with fire. So Turayfah took him

517. Balansi, 116-28; Caetani, 625.

518. Jihad, lit. "to strive against."

519. Al-baqi') perhaps a reference to BaqI' ai-Gharqad, the famous Muslim
cemetery in Medina.

The Apostasy of Hawazin, Sulaym, and 'Amir 8 1

out to the prayer yard and kindled a fire for him and threw him
into it.

Khufaf b. Nudbah (Khufaf b. 'Umayr)520 said, in reference to
al-Fuja’ah and what he did:

Why did they take his weapons to fight him [1905]

even though those are sins in the eyes of God?

Their religion [din] is not my religion,521 but I am not one
causing error,522

until Shamam523 marches to al-Tarat.524

According to Ibn Humayd — Salamah — Ibn Ishaq — 'Abdallah
b. Abi Bakr:525 Some of Sulaym b. Mansur had rebelled and
returned [to being) unbelievers, while others had stood fast in
Islam with a commander of Abu Bakr's over them named Man
b. Hajiz, one of the Banu Haritha.526 So when Khalid b. al-Walid
marched against Tulayhah and his companions, he wrote to
Ma'n b. Hajiz to march with those of Banu Sulaym who had
stood fast with him in Islam, [so that they might join] with
Khalid. So (Ma'n) marched, leaving in charge of his duties527
his brother Turayfah b. Hajiz. Abu Shajarah b. 'Abd al-'Uzza528
had joined the apostates at the head of those of Sulaym who did
so. He was the son of al-Khansa’,529 and said:530

520. A black poet and warrior of Banu Sharid; he fought on the Prophet's side
at Hunayn and did not defect from Islam. Nudbah was his mother's name,
'Umayr his father's. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Usd, II, 118-19; Caskel, II, 348.

521. An allusion to Qur’an 109:6.

522. Cairo: "I am not (one) of them." Cairo notes that the Asma'iyyat has "I
am not an unbeliever."

523. A mountain of Bahilah, ca. 200 km west of al-Yamamah. Cf. Yaqut, s.v.;
Ibn Manzur, XII, 327; Thilo, s.v. and Map D.

524. A well-known mountain in Najd, according to Yaqut, s.v. The sense of
the verse is that the speaker would never cause error, not until one mountain
moved to another.

525. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 351; Baladhuri, Futuh, 97-98; BalansI, 126;
Caetani, 579.

526. A brother of Turayfah b. Hajiz of Sulaym, and one of the Prophet's tax
agents over part of his tribe. Cf. Shoufam, 138-39.

527. 'Amal, i.e., collection of tax.

528. Cf. Wathimah, 10/49-50; Caskel, II, 168, s.v. "'Amr b. 'Abdal'uzza" poet
of Sulaym.

529. A famous poetess of Sulaym and early convert to Islam, proper name
Tumadir bt. 'Amr; cf. Caskel, II, 546.

530. Cf. Ibn Hajar, Isabah, IV, 101 (no. 609), s.v. "Abu Shajarah al-Sulami."

The Conquest of Arabia

So if she asked about us on the morning of Muramir531

As I would have asked about her if I had been distant from
her,

The encounter of Banu Fihr532 — their encounter533

on the morning of al-Jiwa’ was a necessity, so I fulfilled it.

I restrained for them my soul, and steered my filly
into the melee until the dark bay in her reddened.

When she shied away from some courageous armed man I
wanted,

I turned her chest toward him and guided her on.

When he apostatized from Islam, Abu Shajarah said:534

(1906) The heart has given up youthful folly and amorousness by
ridding itself of its love for Mayyah and has held back,
and agreed with those who found fault with her; then it
{was able] to see [the truth).

The yearning to be close [to her] of [that] boyish foolishness has
become,

like her love of us, estranged.

And the yearning for joining with them,

just like her ties with us, has been severed.

Oh, you who brag about the numerousness of his tribe,

[what good is that] when it is your fate [as part?] of them to
be humiliated and conquered?

Ask the people about us on every day of calamity

whenever we met [in battle], clad in mail or unprotected.

Did we not give the disobedient horse his bit,

and make stabs in the battle when death has spread [its]
desolation?

531. Cf. Emendanda and Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI, 148. Baladhuri, Futuh, 97
has Khalid meeting Sulaym at "Jaww Quraqir" or al-Nuqrah, but De Goeje notes
that the text should probably read "Jaww Muramir." On this basis Wellhausen
suggested that Muramir/Jaww Muramir should probably be identified with al-
Jiwa’ (see following lines]. For this line, Ibn Hajar has "If Salma asked on the
morning about a man."

532.. Banu Fihr b. Malik, that is, Quraysh. Cf. Caskel, II, 146.

533, Ibn Hajar has "The melee (ti'dn) among the Lu’ayy b. Ghalib." Lu’ayy is
another way of referring to most of Quraysh, specifically the "Quraysh al-Bitah"
or "inner Quraysh" of the city of Mecca; cf. Caskel, II, 146, and Watt, Mecca, 5H.

534. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 351.

The Apostasy of Hawazin, Sulaym, and 'Amir 83

When opposing him [wasj a great and well-armed troop that
shakes its lance,

you see the black mixed with white, and the coats of mail,
[glinting] in their ranks.

So I quenched the thirst of my lance from Khalid's squadron,
and I hope after it that I may live long.

Then Abu Shajarah embraced Islam, and entered into that which
the people had entered. He came to Medina in the time of
'Umar b. al-Khattab.

According to Ibn Humayd — Salamah — Muhammad b. Ishaq —

'Abd al-Rahman b. Anas al-Sulaml — men of his tribe, and ac¬
cording to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Sahl and Abu Ya'qub and
Muhammad b. Marzuq, and according to Hisham — Abu Mikh-
naf — 'Abd al-Rahman b. Qays al-Sulaml:535 (Abu Shajarah) made
his camel kneel in the high ground of the Banu Qurayzah. Then
he came to 'Umar while he was giving the destitute some
sadaqah tax and dividing it among the poor of the Arabs, so he
said, "Oh commander of the believers, give [some to] me, for I [1907]
am needy." ('Umar) said, "And who are you?" [When) he said
that he was Abu Shajarah b. 'Abd al-'Uzza al-Sulaml, ('Umar)
replied, "Abu Shajarah! Oh enemy of God, are you not the one
who said: 'So I quenched the thirst of my lance from Khalid's
squadron, and I hope after it that I may live long'?" Then he
began to strike (Abu Shajarah) on the head with the whip, until
he outran him, returned to his she-camel, and rode off on her.

Then he made her go at an easy pace536 in the Harrat Shawran537
on his way back to the territory of Banu Sulaym, and said:

Abu Hafs538 was stingy to us with his favor,

though everyone who shakes a tree some day gets leaves.539

535. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 351 — 52.; Baladhuri, Futuh, 98; Balansi, 131-
32; Caetani, 579-80.

536. Asnada-ha, cf. Ibn Manzur, III, 221, left col.

537. According to Yaqut, s.v. "Shawran," a valley in Sulaym country 3 miles
from Medina; also a mountain on the left when leaving Medina for Mecca. Cf.
Lecker, Banu Sulaym, 5b

538. I.e., 'Umar b. al-Khatjab.

539. Waraq, "leaves," also means "silver" or "silver coins."

84 The Conquest of Arabia

He continued to oppress me until I abased myself to him
and fear kept [me] from some covetousness.540

When I dreaded541 Abu Hafs and his police542 —

for an old man sometimes is consumed with fear543 and
loses his judgment —

Then I turned to her while she was charging ahead,544

[running] like the flushed-out prey for which no leaf [of
cover] grows.545

[1908] I steered her forward to the path of Shawran;

indeed, I scolded her [to go faster] as she went.

Flint of the mountains of Abani546 flies from her soles,547
as silver is selected out548 by the money changer.

When confronted by an open desert, she contends with it

rashly; if you ask her to be quick, her soles549 hardly touch
the ground.

Her hindquarters are impatient with her forequarters [when
running];

she is fleet of foot, thrusting her neck [forward].

Band Tamim and the Affair of Sajah bt. al-Harith b.

Suwayd

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — al-$a'b b. Ariyyah b. Bilal
— his father and Sahm b. Minjab:550 The situation among Banu

540. Balansi, 132, has “and wearisome distance kept |me| from some goal"
[wa hala min duna ba'd al-bughyati al-shuqaqu ).

541. Balansi, 133, has "met."

542. Shuitah.

543. Balansi, 133, has "sometimes strikes."

544. famhah-, i.e., he turned to his she-camel to escape. Cf. Ibn Manzur, II,
429.

545. Numerous divergent readings of this half-line exist, none of which is
entirely satisfactory, as noted by the editor.

546. Two mountains in Fazarah country northeast of Medina. Cf. Yaqut, s.v.
"Aban" and "Abanan."

547. Balansi, 133: "She flies, vehemently driving (? mardd) her paces from her
soles."

548. Balansi, 133: "scrutinized." Balansi ends with this verse.

549. Cf. Ibn Manzur, X, 75, s.v. "khuruq."

550. Cf. NuwayrI, 75-77 (as far as p. 90, below); Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, III,
353 — 55, who adds Sahm b. Minjab to the list of tax collectors (as far as p. 94,

Banu Tamlm and the Affair of Sajah bt. al-Harith 85

Tamim was that the Apostle of God died, having sent among
them his tax collectors (' ummal ), such that al-Zibriqan b. Badr
was [placed] over al-Ribab551 and Awf and the Abna , 552 and
Qays b. Asim553 was over Muqa'is554 and the Butun clans, and [1909]
$afwan b. $afwan and Sabrah b. Amr555 were over Banu 'Amr,
the former over Bahda and the latter over Khaddam,556 two
tribes of Banu Tamlm; and Waki' b. Malik557 and Malik b.
Nuwayrah over Banu Hanzalah,558 the former over Banu Malik
and the latter over Banu Yarbu'. When the news of the death of
the Prophet came to $afwan, he struck out for Abu Bakr with
the sadaqah taxes of Banu Amr, of which he was in charge, and
with that of which Sabrah had charge. Sabrah remained among
his tribe in case some misfortune should overcome the tribe.559
Qays had remained silent [waiting] to see what al-Zibriqan
might do, while al-Zibriqan was reproving him; and scarcely did

with much poetry and most difficult spots omitted), Caetani, 618-35, 646-47,
cf. also pp. 139-40, below.

551. A group of tribes, most of them closely allied to Tamim, including Banu
Dabbah b. ’Udd and 'Adi, Taym, 'Ukl, and Thawr b. 'Abd Manat b. "Udd; cf.
Caskel, II, 8 and 486.

552. 'Awf b. Ka'b was the section of Sa'd b. Zaydmanat b. Tamim to which
Zibriqan belonged. The Abna’ ("sons") was the collective term for eight other
lineages of Sa'd b. Zaydmanat b. Tamim, not including Ka'b and 'Amr, who
together were known as "al-Butun" (Caskel, I, Tables 75 and 77, and II, 230).

553. Renowned as a man of tact and good judgment; of Muqa'is /Tamim, he
came in the Tamim delegation to the Prophet, who praised him as "lord of the
nomads" (Ibn al-Athir, Usd, IV, 219).

554. Muqa'is was probably a lineage of Sa'd/Tamlm, although Sayf presents it
as an alliance of Tamim clans, cf. Caskel, II, 431.

555. He had been in the Tamim delegation to the Prophet, according to Ibn
Ishaq (Ibn al-Athir, Usd, II, 259-60).

556. 'Amr b. Tamim was one of the main nomadic sections of the tribe, Cf.
Caskel, II, 8 and 184-85. Ibn al-Kalbi knows neither Bahda nor Khaddam, the
former may be Bahdalah b. 'Awf, a lineage of the Sa'd/Tamim (Caskel, II, 220).
'Umar Rida Kahhalah, Mu'jam qaba’il al-'arab (Beirut, 1968) I, 247, identifies a
Khaddam b. al-'Afir b. Tamim.

557. Ibn Hajar, Isabah, s.v., citing Sayf b. 'Umar and Tabari, says he was of the
Darim clan of Tamim.

558. Hanzalah b. Malik was a group of Tamim clans including Malik and
Yarbu' (Caskel, II, 298).

559. Reading li-hadathin 'in ndba al-qawma, along with Cairo, instead of
Leiden's li-hadathi arbabin, which generated problematic "solutions" from both
Wellhausen ( Skizzen , VI, 148) and De Goeje [Emendanda). Cairo's reading seems
to derive from Nuwayri, 75 bottom.

86

The Conquest of Arabia

(Qays) flatter him before al-Zibriqan impugned him for his good
fortune and high standing.560 Qays said while he was waiting to
see what he would do to oppose him when he was stalling on
him, "Woe to us from the son of the "Ukfi woman!561 By God,
he has slandered me so that I do not know what to do. If I had
followed Abu Bakr and brought the sadaqah tax to him, (al-
Zibriqan) would have slaughtered (the camels)562 (I had collected
as tax] among the Banu Sa'd and blackened my name563 among
them; [on the other hand,] if I had slaughtered them among the
Banu Sa'd, (al-Zibriqan) would have come to Abu Bakr and
blackened my name with him." So Qays determined to divide it
among the Muqa'is and the Butun, and did so; while al-Zibriqan
determined on full payment, so he followed Safwan with the
[1910] sadaqah taxes of al-Ribab and 'Awf and al-Abna’ until he
brought them to Medina, saying in reference to Qays:

I paid in full the several camels564 [due to] the Apostle, when the
collectors [of sadaqah tax] had refused,
and not a camel had been paid [to him] by its trustee.565

The clans dispersed, and evil flared up [among them] and they
kept each other busy, one occupying another; then Qays
repented after that, so when al-'Ala’ b. al-Hadrami drew near
him he sent out its sadaqah tax566 and received (al-'Ala’) with
it. Then (Qays) went out with him, and said about that:

Indeed! Send Quraysh news of me by letter,

since evidence of the deposits [of tax] has come to them.

560. Reading hazwah, “high standing," along with Cairo, instead of khatwah
in the text.

561. Presumably al-Zibriqan's mother was of the tribe of 'Ukl, a part of the
confederation of al-Ribab. The antecedents of the many pronouns in this
sentence are uncertain; presumably Qays was waiting to see what al-Zibriqan
would do.

562. The sadaqah tax or tribute was paid in camels or other livestock.

563. Reading yusawwidu-ni, with text and Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI, 148,
rather than Emendanda' s yasudu-ni, "conquered/overcame me."

564. Adhwad. The singular [dhawd) is defined variously as a number of
camels between two and nine, or between three and thirty, etc.

565. Cf. p. 140, below for a more complete version of this poem.

566. I.e., presumably the sadaqah camels Qays had once collected among the
Muqa'is and Butun clans of Tamlm, but had redivided among them.

Banu Tamim and the Affair of Sajah bt. al-Harith 87

In this circumstance Awf and the Abna’ were kept busy by the
Butun, and al-Ribab by Muqa'is; and Khaddam were occupied
by Malik, and Bahda by Yarbu'. Sabrah b. 'Amr was in charge
of Khaddam; that was what he had been appointed over as
successor for Safwan.567 Al-Husayn b. Niyar568 was in charge of
Bahda and al-Ribab.569 Abdallah b. Safwan570 was in charge of
Dabbah, and 'Ismah b. Ubayr571 was in charge of Abd Manat. In
charge of Awf and the Abna’ was Awf b. al-Bilad b. Khalid of
Banu Ghanm al-Jushami,572 and over the Butun was Si'r b.

Khufaf. Reinforcements from Banu Tamim used to come to
Thumamah b. Uthal,573 but when this situation arose among [1911]
them, they returned to their tribes; but that put Thumamah b.

Uthal at a disadvantage until 'Ikrimah [b. Abi Jahl] came to him
and stirred him up, so he did not do anything [before 'Ikrimah
arrived].574 Then while people in the country of Banu Tamim
were in that [state], some of them having busied themselves
with others so that [each] Muslim [among] them was face to face
with those who played for time and waited [to see what would
happen] and face to face with those who doubted, Sajah bt. al-
Harith came upon them by suprise, having arrived from the

567. I.e., when Safwan left to see Abu Bakr (cf. p. 85, above).

568. Traceable only in Ibn Hajar, Isabah, s.v., which adds no new information.

569. Wellhausen ( Skizzen , VI, 148) noted that al-Ribab should probably be
struck from the text here, as al-Ribab consisted of Dabbah and 'Abd Manat,
mentioned in the following sentence (see Emendanda )■, but all manuscripts seem
to have the word. Perhaps we should assume that the original intent was
"bi-l-Ribab" and that the waw was missing before the name of 'Abdallah b.
Safwan, as it actually is in the Cairo edition; this would yield the translation,
“Among al-Ribab, 'Abdallah . . . was in charge of Dabbah . . . ," etc. For Bahda,
read, probably, Bahdalah; cf. note 556 above.

570. A Tamimi who came to the Prophet with his father, probably Safwan b.
Safwan; cf. Ibn al-Athir, Usd, III, 186 and note 317, above.

571. A delegate to the Prophet from his tribe, Banu Taym b. 'Abd Manat of
al-Ribab; cf. Ibn al-Athir, Usd, III, 408-9.

57Z. Jusham b. Awf was a clan of Sa'd/Tamim; cf. Caskel, I, Table 77 and II,
268.

573. Of the Hanifah tribe of eastern Arabia, he was captured by the Muslims;
later he embraced Islam and was pardoned. He then seems to have been involved
in cutting off Mecca's supply of grain from eastern Arabia on behalf of the
Prophet. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Usd, I, 246-48; F. M. Donner, "Mecca's Food Supplies
and Muhammad's Boycott," 262.

574. Cf. p. 53, above on 'Ikrimah being sent against Musaylimah.

88

The Conquest of Arabia

Jazlrah. She and her clan had been among Banu Taghlib.575 She
was leading splinter groups of Rabl'ah, among them al-Hudhayl
b. 'Imran576 at the head of Banu Taghlib and 'Aqqah b. Hilal at
the head of al-Namir577 and Wattad b. Fulan578 at the head of
lyad579 and al-Salil b. Qays at the head of Banu Shayban.580 So a
grave matter faced them, more serious than what the people
were (already] involved in, because of Sajah's attack upon them
and because of their disagreements and squabbles over what
divided them. About this 'Aflf b. al-Mundhir58 1 said:

Did he not come to you by night with the news

of that which the chiefs of Banu Tamim encountered?

From their chiefs men called on each other,
and they were among the noblest and best.

They forced them out, after they had had (their own] territory,
into empty quarters and retreat.582

Sajah bt. al-Harith b. Suwayd b. 'Uqfan and the offspring of
her father 'Uqfan were among the Banu Taghlib. Then, after
the death of the Apostle of God she pretended to be a prophetess
in the Jazirah among the Banu Taghlib, whereupon al-Hudhayl
complied with her and left Christianity, and [also complied)

575. A major tribe of the Rabl'ah group, living between eastern Arabia
northward into southern Iraq and the Euphrates fringes. Cf. Caskel, II, 17-18
and 541-42.

576. I have not been able to trace further any of these three leaders of
Rabl'ah — al-Hudhayl, 'Aqqah, and Wattad.

577. Al-Namir b. Qasit was a minor tribe of Rabl'ah, closely affiliated with
Taghlib. Cf. Caskel, II, 444.

578. Nuwayri, 76: Ziyad b. Fulan.

579. A Christian tribe of eastern Arabia, southern and central Iraq. Cf. Caskel,
II, 359-60; El1, s.v. "Iyad" (J. W. Fuck).

580. Bishr "al-Salil” b. Qays was brother of the more famous Bistam, chief of
the Hammam b. Murrah clan of Shayban. Shayban was the most powerful tribe
of the Bakr b. Wa’il confederation (part of Rabl'ah), occupying the lower
Euphrates steppe region. Cf. Caskel, II, 507 and 514; F. M. Donner, "The Bakr b.
Wa’il Tribes. . 22ff. Cf. pp. 90-91, below, where 'Aqqah is called maternal
uncle of Bishr.

581. A poet of 'Amr b. Tamim; cf. Balansi, 141, 143, and 146. 1 am grateful to
Dr. Landau-Tasseron for these references. Cf. Landau -Tasseron, "Sayf ibn
'Umar," 20.

582. Because of the requirements of rhyme, the poem has khlm for khaym,
"retreat, withdrawal."

Banu Tamlm and the Affair of Sajah bt. al-Harith 89

with those chiefs who advanced with her to raid Abu Bakr.

When she got as far as al-Hazn,583 she sent letters to Malik {191 2]
b. Nuwayrah and called him to an alliance; whereupon he
answered her, turned her back from her raiding, and incited her
against clans of Banu Tamlm. She said, "Yes, so pursue your
business with whomever you think [right]; for I am only a
woman from Banu Yarbu', so if there is to be [any] sovereignty,
it shall be yours."584 Then she sent to Banu Malik b. Hanzalah
inviting them to an alliance; whereupon 'Utarid b. Hajib585
and the chiefs of Banu Malik went out as fugitives until they
came as guests among the Banu al-'Anbar,586 [staying] with
Sabrah b. Amr. They had disliked what Waki' [b. Malik] had
done, and those like them of Banu Yarbu', having disliked
what Malik [b. Nuwayrah] had done, went out until they came
as guests to al-Husayn b. Niyar among the Band Mazin.587
Then when her messengers came to the Banu Malik demanding
alliance, Waki' agreed to that; so Waki' and Malik and Sajah
joined, having made an alliance one with another, and agreed to
fight the people. They said, "With whom should we begin? With
Khaddam or Bahda588 or with 'Awf and the Abna’ or with al-
Ribab?" They held back from Qays [b. 'Asim] because of what
they saw of his indecision, hoping earnestly for him.589 Then
she said, "Prepare your mounts, and get ready for booty, then
raid al-Ribab, for there is no veil before them."590 Sajah headed
for the wells591 until she encamped there and said to them,

"The Dahna’592 is the barrier of Banu Tamim, and when [1913]

583. A high plateau in northeastern Arabia, near the fringes of Iraq. Cf. Yaqut,
s.v. and Thilo, s.v.

584. Both Malik and Sajah were originally from Yarbu'.

585. Of the Darim clan of Tamim, led a delegation or Danm to the Prophet
(Caskel, II, 580).

586. 'Anbar b. Yarbu' was Sajah's clan of Tamim (Caskel, II, 189).

587. Probably Mazin b. Malik, a clan of Banu 'Amr b. Tamim. Cf. Caskel, I,
Table 82, and II, 406.

588. Probably Bahdalah; cf. note 556, above.

589. I.e., hoping that he would join their cause.

590. Sajah's statement is couched in rhymed prose.

59 r. Or "for al-Ahfar"; Yaqut mentions a place with this name, but gives no
precise location.

592. An extensive tract of waterless sand desert in the Najd; at the time of the

90

The Conquest of Arabia

casualties press them, al-Ribab will not delay in taking refuge
in al-Dajani593 and sand deserts ( al-dahanl); so let some of
you encamp there."594 At this, "al-Jaful," that is, Malik b.
Nuwayrah,595 headed for al-Dajani and encamped in it. Al-Ribab
heard of this, so they gathered to it, [both] their Dabbah and
'Abd Manat [clans]. Now Waki' and Bishr596 were responsible
for [battling] Banu Bakr of Banu Dabbah, and Aqqah was
responsible for [fighting] the Tha'labah b. Sa'd b. Dabbah, and
al-Hudhayl [b. 'Imran] was responsible [for fighting] the 'Abd
Manat; so Waki' and Bishr met Banu Bakr of Banu Dabbah [in
battle], whereupon the two were routed, and Sama'a597 and
Waki' and Qa'qa'598 were taken prisoner, and many were
killed. So Qays b. Asim said regarding that [event] — that being
the first that there appeared in him any remorse:599

It is as if you never witnessed Sama'a when he raided
and Qa'qa' did not rejoice, while Waki' was thwarted.

I saw that you had accompanied Dabbah unwillingly,

[as though) having a painful scab on both sides,

The releaser of prisoners whose march was foolish.

All of their business is on the rocks.

Then Sajah and al-Hudhayl and 'Aqqah let Banu Bakr go be¬
cause of the alliance between her and Waki'; 'Aqqah [more-

riddah wars, territory of the Tamim. Cf. Thilo, s.v.; El2, s.v. "Dahna’" |C. D.
Mathews).

593. A place in eastern Arabia; cf. Hamdani, 168, 1. 19.

594. Again, (loosely) rhymed prose.

595. According to Diyarbakri, II, 109 and Balansi, 51, he earned his nickname
(meaning "the refunder") because he sent the camels collected as sadaqah tax
back to the tribes after the Prophet's death.

596. Presumably Bishr "al-Sahl" b. Qays; cf. note 580, above.

597. Caskel, II, 510, thinks this may be Sama'ah b. 'Amr of Darim/Tamlm.

598. Cairo ed. (index) indentifics him as al-Qa'qa' b. Ma'bad, chief of the
Danm clan of Tamim; he was in the Darim delegation to the Prophet, and famed
for his generosity. Cf. Caskel, II, 465; Ibn Hajar, Isabah, s.v. It is not clear,
however, whether al-Qa'qa' b. Ma'bad played any role in the riddah. Landau-
Tasseron believes that there were two men of Tamim named al-Qa'qa' b. 'Amr,
one a kinsman of Sajah's who backed the nddah, the other of the 'Amr-Tamim
who remained loyal to Medina. The latter would be the person mentioned here:
cf. Landau-Tasseron, "Sayf ibn 'Umar," 16.

599. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 355 clarifies: "remorse over having held back the
sadaqah tax from Abu Bakr."

Banu Tamim and the Affair of Sajah bt. al-Harith

9i

over] was the maternal uncle of Bishr. (Sajah) said, "Kill al-
Ribab and they will make a treaty with you and release your [19x4]
prisoners. You should carry to them their blood prices, and the
others will praise the consequence of their decision." So Dabbah
released the prisoners to them and paid the blood price for the
slain, and they went out from them. Then Qays recited [verses]
about that, reproaching them for the truce of Dabbah, and sup¬
porting Dabbah and reproving600 them. No one of 'Amr or
Sa'd or al-Ribab had joined the affair of Sajah; from all of these
[clans], they yearned only [to be aligned with] Qays, until he
showed support for Dabbah and began to show regret. No one
from Han?alah aided them except Waki' and Malik, and their
assistance was an alliance on [condition] that they help one
another and gather together to one another. About this A$amm
al-Taymi601 said:

A sister of Taghlib came to us and then considered weak602
the armies603 from among the nobles of our ancestor's tribe.

And she planted a call [to join her] firmly among us, out of
stupidity,

although she was one from the great foreign tribes.604
We did not accept from them even what an ant could carry in its
mouth,605

nor would she embrace [Islam] if she came to us.

May your sound judgment be folly and error

the evening you gathered troops together for her!

Then Sajah went out heading the armies of the Jazirah until she
reached al-Nibaj, whereupon Aws b. Khuzaymah al-Hujaymi606 [1915]

600. Reading ta'niban with the Cairo edition and (possibly) the Berlin
manuscript, instead of the text's ta'binan and other manuscript variants.
“Supporting" here is is ad, lit., “rendering happy." The verses are omitted from
the text.

601. The poet Asamm b. Wallad b. Khuzaymah, of Taym al-Ribab; cf. Caskel,
II, zoi.

6oz. Istahadda-, possibly “threatened," as proposed by Glossary.

603. Possibly "flocks." Arabic jald'ib.

604. 'Amaii ’akhiiind, lit., "great tribes of [people] other than us."

605. I.e., we accepted nothing from them.

606. I have not been able to trace him further. Hujaym was a clan of the B.
'Amr/Tamim; cf. Caskel, I, Table 84 and II, z86.

92

The Conquest of Arabia

launched a raid against them leading those who crowded to him
from Banu 'Amr, so that al-Hudhayl was taken captive by a
nomad of Banu Mazin607 named Nashirah. 'Aqqah was taken
prisoner by 'Ubdah al-Hujaymi. They stopped fighting on condi¬
tion that they return the prisoners to one another and that they
turn back from them and not pass against the[ir will],608 so they
did that. So they repulsed her and bound her and the two of
them to an agreement that they withdraw from them and that
they would not cross thefir territory] except with their per¬
mission.609 Then they fulfilled [their promises] to them, but it
continued [to burn] in the soul of al-Hudhayl against the Mazini
until, when 'Uthman b. 'Affan was killed, he gathered a troop
and launched a raid against Safar610 while Banu Mazin was
there; so Banu Mazin killed him and shot him at Safar.611

When612 al-Hudhayl and 'Aqqah returned to (Sajah) and the
chiefs of the people of the Jazirah had gathered, they said to her,
"What do you order us [to do] now that Malik and Waki' have
bound their two tribes to treaties so that they will not help us
and will let us do no more than cross their territory, and [now
that] we have made a treaty with this613 tribe?" So she replied,
"Al-Yamamah." At this they said, "The might of the people
of al-Yamamah is great, and the situation of Musaylimah has
become rough." But she said, "Betake yourselves to al-Yamamah,
fly in with the flapping of the dove, for it is a gallant raid, no
blame shall attach to you after it."614

[1916] Then she rushed upon Banu Hanifah. Musaylimah learned

607. Rajulun mm Bani Mazin thumma mm bani wabar. Although this
construction is a common way of expressing a man's clan and subclan, I find no
"Banu Wabar" among Mazin or anywhere else.

608. \An\ la ya]tazu 'alayhim, i.e., that they not pass through the territories of
Aws against their will; cf. Ibn al-Athlr, II, 335: wa la yati'u arda Awsin, "and
not come to the land of Aws."

609. La yattakhidhu-hum tariqan ilia min ward’ihim.

610. A watering place of Banu Mazin in the desert southeast of al-Basrah
(Yaqut, s.v.).

6ri. We should perhaps read qatalathu for qatalathu: "Banu Mazin fought
him. . . ."

6iz. Cf. Nuwayri, 77-78 (to p. 93); Caetani, 646-47.

613. Presumably meaning Banu Mazin.

614. Rhymed prose.

Banu Tamlm and the Affair of Sajah bt. al-Harith 93

of that and was afraid of her? he feared that, if he busied himself
with her, Thumamah would get the better of him in Hajr, or
Shurahbil b. Hasanah or the tribes that were around them. So he
sent gifts to her, and then wrote to her requesting her pledge of
security for his life so that he could come to her. At this she
made the armies encamp at the wells, granting him permission
and offering him security, so he came to her as a delegation at
the head of forty people of Banu Hanifah. Now she was knowl¬
edgeable about Christianity, having learned from the knowledge
of the Christians of Taghlib, so Musaylimah said, "Half of the
earth is to us, and half would be to Quraysh if they had acted
rightly; but God has returned to you the half which Quraysh
rejected, and has given it to you, even though it would have been
to (Quraysh) had she accepted." (Sajah) said, "The half is not
returned except by those who incline,615 so carry the half to
the cavalry you see as if they were dying of thirst."616 So
Musaylimah said,617 "God listened to whomever He listened to,
and made him yearn for good when he yearned, and His cause is
still arranged in everything that delights him. Your Lord saw
you and gave you life and preserved you from loneliness, and
saved you and gave you life on the day of His religion; for us
some prayers of the company of the pious, neither miserable nor
licentious, staying up at night and fasting by day,- indeed your
Lord is great, the Lord of the clouds and the rain."618 And he
said also, "When I saw their faces they were comely, and their
complexions were clear, and their hands were soft; I said to
them, 'You shall not come to women, nor drink wine, but [19
you are the company of the pious fasting by day and costing a
day.' So praise be to God! Verily life came to where you live;
ascend to the King of heaven. [Even] if it619 were only a mustard
seed, a witness would take care of it who would know what
is [hidden) in the breasts; but most people in it [will meet]

615. Man hanafi a pun on the name of Banu Hanifah.

616. Reading, with Nuwayri, 78 and Cairo, ka al-sahaft. Rhymed prose.

617. Cf. Ibn Hubaysh, 35, 11. 7ff.

6 18. Rhymed prose.

619. I.e., one's good (or bad?) deeds.

94

The Conquest of Arabia

perdition."620 Among the laws that Musaylimah prescribed for
them was that whoever produced a single son as progeny should
not come to a woman unless621 that son should die; then he
should [again] seek [to procreate] children until he produced
[another] son, and then forbear [again]. So he had forbidden
women to anyone who had a male child.

According to Abu Ja'far — authorities other than Sayf:622
When Sajah descended upon Musaylimah he locked the fortress
in front of her, so Sajah asked him to come down. He replied,
"Then put your companions away from you"; so she did that.
Then Musaylimah said, "Erect a domed tent ( qubbah ) for her
and perfume it, perhaps it will make her think of sex."623 So
they did so; then when she entered the tent, Musaylimah came
down and said, "May ten [men] stop here and ten stop there."
Then he studied with her,624 saying, "What has been revealed to
you?" But she replied, "Do women usually begin? Rather, you:
what has been revealed to you?" He replied, "Do you not see
how your Lord has done with the pregnant woman,625 He has
brought forth from her a soul that strives, from between the
{19x8] belly skin and the waist." She said, "What else?" He said, "It
was revealed to me, 'Verily God created women as vulvas, and
made men for them as husbands, so we insert into them fat
cocks,626 then we withdraw them when we wish, so they may

620. Reading, with Mss. B and C and Cairo, wa-h-’akthar al-nasi fihd
al-thubur, as do Emendanda.

621. Lit., "until."

622. Nuwayri, 78-80, as far as p. 95, below; Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 355-57,
close parallel until p. 97, with gaps; Caetani, 647-48.

623. Or, possibly, "perhaps she will mention marriage ( al-bah )." Ibn al-Athir,
Kamil, II, 355: "he perfumed it so that the sweet scent would make her think of
intercourse."

624. Diyarbakri, II, 159, in a loose paraphrase has tadarasa al-nubuwwah,
"the two of them studied prophecy together." BalansI, 62 and Ibn Hubaysh, 34,
top, have Musaylimah say, ta'ali natadarasu al-nubuwwah ayyuna ahaqqu,
"come, let us study which of us is more entitled to |claim] prophethood."

625. Diyarbakri, II, 158: "Verily, God has bestowed grace on the pregnant
woman."

626. Text has fu's, not found in Ibn Manzur. We follow Nuwayri and Cairo,
which read qus, (pi. of aq'as)-, Cairo, citing Aghani, glosses this as gharamil,
"coarse penises." Cf. Ibn Manzur, VI, 177 (s.v. aq'as), "with chests protruding
and backs in."

Banu Tamim and the Affair of Sajah bt. al-Harith 95

produce for us a kid."627 She said, "I bear witness that you are a
prophet." He said, "Do you want me to marry you, so that I may
devour628 the Arabs with my tribe and your tribe?" She replied
that she did. [So] he said,

Why don't you go to fuck,

as the bed has been prepared for you?

If you wish, in the house,

or, if you wish, in the closet.

If you wish we shall take you thrown on your back,
or, if you wish, on [all] fours.

If you wish, with two-thirds of it,
or, if you wish, with all of it.

She said, "No, rather with all of it." He said, "Revelations came
to me about that." So she remained with him three days, and
then returned to her tribe, whereupon they said, "What do you
think?" She replied, "He was in the right, so I followed him and
married him." They said, "And did he give you anything as a
dowry?" She said that he had not, so they said, "Go back to him,
for it is disgraceful for one like you to return without a dowry."

So she returned to him, whereupon when Musaylimah saw her
he locked the fortress and said, "What do you want?" She said,

"Give me something as dowry." He replied, "Who is your [1919]
muezzin?" She told him it was Shabath b. Rib'x al-Riyahi,629
so he said, "Bring him to me." So (Shabath) came, whereupon
(Musaylimah) said, "Call out among your companions that
Musaylimah b. Habib, the Apostle of God, has unburdened you
of two of the prayers that Muhammad imposed upon you — the
last evening prayer and the dawn prayer." Among her com¬
panions were al-Zibriqan b. Badr and 'Utarid b. Hajib and the
likes of them.

According to al-Kalbl — informants of Banu Tamim:630 Most of
Banu Tamim in the sands did not pray the two {prayers]. Then
she went back, and with her were her companions, among them

617. As always with Musaylimah 's alleged revelations, rhymed prose.

618. Nuwayri, 79: "conquer" or "humble" the Arabs.

619. Riyah was another clan of Yarbu', Sajah’s subtribe of Tamim.
630. Cf. Nuwayri, 80.

96

The Conquest of Arabia

al-Zibriqan b. Badr, TJtarid b. Hajib, 'Amr b. al-Ahtam,631 Ghay-
lan b. Kharashah,632 and Shabath b. Rib'i. So 'Utarid b. Hajib
said,633

Our prophetess entered the evening634 a female whom we
visited,635

while the prophets of the people entered the morning as
males.

And Hukaym b. 'Ayyash "al-A'war" al-Kalbl636 said, rebuk¬
ing Mudar on account of Sajah and mentioning Rabi'ah:637

They brought you a steadfast religion, and you brought
verses copied in a knowing book.

Continuation of the Account of Sayf 638

(Musaylimah) made a treaty with (Sajah) on condition that he
deliver to her half of the revenues of al-Yamamah; she refused
[19Z0] [to accept) unless he delivered the [installment of the] first year
in advance, so he conceded that to her. He said, "Leave behind
someone who can collect the advance payment for you, and go
back yourself with half of [this] year['s share].” Then he returned
and carried to her the half, so she carried it off and returned to
the Jazirah, leaving al-Hudhayl and 'Aqqah and Wattad639 so
that the remaining half might be paid. Then they were taken

631. 'Amr b. Sinan "al-Ahtam" ("the toothless") was a poet and member of
the Tamim delegation to the Prophet. He became a follower of Sajah, but later
embraced Islam. On him see Ef1, s.v. "'Amr b. al-Ahtam" (A. J. Wensinck-Ch.
Pella t); Caskel, II, 184.

632. Of Banu Dabbah. Cf. Caskel, II, 270.

633. Cf. Ibn Hubaysh, 34.

634. Balansi, 62: the morning. Ibn Hubaysh, 34: the forenoon.

635. Nutifu bi-ha, sometimes with prurient intent.

636. Poet of Kinanah b. Awf branch of Kalb; probably lived in the second half
of the first century a.h. Cf. Caskel, II, 331.

637. Mudar and Rabi'ah were the two main genealogical divisions of the
"North Arabs," portrayed as two sons of Nizar. The Kalbite (South Arab or
Qahtani) poet reproaches the North Arabs, who included Sajah’s tribe of Tamim
and her allies of Ribab and Dabbah.

638. Cf. Nuwayri, 8o; Caetani, 648.

639. Text, Cairo, Nuwayri, and Ibn al-Athlr, Kamil, have Ziyad; see
Emendanda and p. 88, note 578, above.

Continuation of the Account of Sayf 97

by surprise by Khalid b. al-Walid's approach to them, so they
dispersed.

Sajah remained among Banu Taghlib until Mu'awiya trans¬
ferred them in his day, in the "year of union."640 When the
people of Iraq agreed [to recognize] Mu'awiyah [as caliph] after
'All, Mu'awiyah took to expelling from al-Kufah those who
had been most vehement in the cause of 'All, and to settle in
their homes those people of Syria and al-Ba$rah and the Jazirah
who were most vehement in his own cause; it is they who were
called the "transfers"641 in the garrison towns. So he expelled
Qa'qa' b. 'Amr b. Malik642 from al-Kufah to Iliya’643 in Palestine,
and petitioned him to settle in the residences of his paternal
relatives, Banu 'Uqfan,644 and to transfer them645 to [the proper¬
ties of] Banu Tamim. So he transferred them from the Jazirah to
al-Kufah and settled them in the residences of al-Qa'qa' and his
relatives. [Sajah] came with them and became a good Muslim.

Al-Zibriqan and al-Aqra'646 went out to Abu Bakr and said,

"Make over to us the kharaj.647 of al-Bahrayn and we will
guarantee for you that no one from our tribe will repudiate
[Islam]." So (Abu Bakr) did that and wrote the document.

The one who acted as middleman for them was Talhah b.
'Ubaydallah. They called upon witnesses, among them 'Umar;
but when the document was brought to 'Umar, he looked at it [1921]

640. Am al-jama'ah: the year 40 ah /ad 660-661, so called because the
Muslim community came together in recognizing Mu'awiyah, ending the
political division of the first civil war. Pace Caetani, 648; see Abu Zur'ah
al-Dimashql, Ta'xikh, 188 (no. 101) and 190 (no. 105).

641. Al-nawaqil.

64a. Cf. notes 485 and 598, above.

643. I.e., Aelia Capitolina (Jerusalem).

644. 'Uqfan b. Suwayd was a clan of Yarbu’ residing in al-Kufah; cf. Caskel, II,
574; Ibn al-Athlr, Lubab, II, 350.

645. Presumably Banu Taghlib.

646. Cf. Nuwayri, 80-81. Al-Aqra' b. Habis, chief of Darim clan of Tamim,
was the first Tamimi to go to the Prophet, during the conquest of Mecca; he was
put in charge of the $adaqah of Banu Hanzalah. Cf. El2, s.v. "Al-Akra' b. Habis"
[M. J. Kister).

647. In classical juristic usage, kharaj is a kind of land tax, but such clear-cut
systematization of terminology was not yet in force during the riddah wars,-
perhaps "tribute" is a better rendering. For a recent discussion of the
development of tax terminology, see Simonsen, Studies.

98

The Conquest of Arabia

without witnessing it. Then he said, "No, by God, absolutely
not!" and tore up the document and erased it. Talhah became
angry at this, so he went to Abu Bakr saying, "Are you the com¬
mander or is 'Umar?" Whereupon (Abu Bakr) replied, "'Umar is,
except that obedience is owed to me." So he calmed down. The
two of them witnessed with Khalid all the battles up to al-
Yamamah;648 then al-Aqra' went to Dumah with Shuralibil.

Al-Butah and Its Story

According to al-Sari b. Yahya — Shu'ayb — Sayf — al-Sa'b b. 'Atiy-
yah b. Bilal:649 When Sajah returned to the fazirah, Malik b.
Nuwayrah held back and repented and became perplexed over
his situation. Waki' and Sama'ah650 knew the shamefulness
of what they had done, so they returned to the fold and behaved
humbly.651 The two of them extracted the sadaqah taxes and
came out with it to meet Khalid; so Khalid said, "What caused
you to make an alliance with these people?" Whereupon they
replied, "Some blood vengeance we were in the course of pursu¬
ing among the Banu Dabbah; they were days of preoccupation
and opportunities." About that Waki' said:

Do not reckon me a renegade, for indeed I

was constrained when the fingers were being bent for me.652

(1922] But I guarded the bulk of Malik

and watched until my eyes gave out on me.653
So when Khalid came to us with his battle standard
the payments reached him first654 at Butah.

648. Or, perhaps, "even al-Yamamah."

649. Cf. Ibn al-Athlr, Kamil, II, 357; Nuwayri, 82; Caetani, 652-53.

650. Cf. p. 90, above.

651. Lit., "returned a good returning and were not haughty," reading wa-lam
yatajabbara with text. Emendanda proposes lam yatahayyara, "they were not
perplexed."

652. I.e., even as I was being counted among the renegades (by the bending of
fingers as a way of counting), I was being held back by others from declaring my
allegiance to Islam.

653. Lit., "until the ocular veins grew dark on me."

654. I.e., payment of sadaqah reached Khalid at Butah before the people who
paid it themselves arrived? ( takhattat ilayhi ).

Al-Butah and Its Story

99

In the country of Banu Han?alah the only hateful [situation]
that remained was that of Malik b. Nuwayrah and those who
surrounded him at al-Butafr. He was perplexed and worried.

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Sahl — al-Qasim and
'Amr b. Shu'ayb:655 When Khalid wanted to march, he left
Zafar mopping up656 Asad, Ghafafan, Tayyi’, and Hawazin; so
he marched heading for al-Bu$ah this side of al-Hazn, while
Malik b. Nuwayrah was there. His situation became doubtful to
him, and the Ansar hesitated [to join] Khalid and held back from
him saying, "These were not the caliph's orders to us; the caliph
charged us to stand fast until he wrote to us after we had
finished with al-Buzakhah and mopped up [opposition in] the
people's territory." Whereupon Khalid said, "He did not charge
you with this; rather, he charged me to proceed, and I am the
commander and the one to whom communications come. Even
if there reached me no letter nor any command of his, I would [1923]
seize any opportunity that I perceived before informing him of
it, if I thought that by informing him the opportunity would slip
away from me.657 Likewise, if we were tempted by some situa¬
tion about which we had no instructions from him, we would
not fail to consider what was the most desirable option before us
and then to act on it. Now this Malik b. Nuwayrah is right
opposite us and I am heading for him with those who are with
me of the Muhajirun and those who follow in good works; I
shall not force you." Khalid proceeded and the An$ar repented
and urged one another on, saying, "If the group achieves good
[results], it is a good you will be excluded from; and if some
misfortune befalls them, the people will shun you for it." So
they agreed to join with Khalid, and dispatched messengers to

655. Cf. partial parallel in Diyarbakri, II, 109 top; Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II,
357-58; Balansi, 50-51; Ibn Hubaysh, 28 (from Waqidi); Ibn Hubaysh, 28 (from
Ibn Ishaq); Nuwayri, 82-83; Isfahan!, XIV, 66-67; Caetani, 650.

656. Here and below, istabra’a + direct object. Cf. Ibn Hubaysh, 58 (<Ibn
Ishaq).

657. I.e., by causing delay while waiting for the caliph's reply. The syntax is
problematic; see the discussion of the sentence in J. Bellamy, "Arabic Yerses
from the First/Second Century: The Inscription of 'En 'Avdat," Journal of
Semitic Studies 35 (1990), 76, note 6, with other references and translations.

ioo The Conquest of Arabia

him, whereupon he waited for them until they joined him. Then
he marched until he reached al-Butah, but found no one there.

According to Abu Ja'far— al-Sari b. Yahya— Shu'ayb. b. Ibra¬
him— Sayf b. 'Umar — Khuzaymah b. Shajarah al-'Uqfani — 'Uth-
man b. Suwayd — Suwayd b. al-Math'abah al-Riyahi:658 Khalid b.
al-Walid arrived in al-Butah, whereupon he found no one there;

[1924] he found that Malik had dispersed them among their flocks659
and forbidden them to gather when he became perplexed over
his situation. (In doing so] he said, "Oh Banu Yarbu , we have
disobeyed our commanders, inasmuch as they called us to this
religion, whereas the people held us back from it, so that we
have neither prospered nor succeeded. I have reconsidered this
situation and found it feasible for them without any managing
[siyasah). For lo, the situation is one that the people do not
manage. Beware of acting in a hostile manner against a group
having a mandate (from God to exercise authority];660 so disperse
to your territories and enter into this cause." So they dispersed
accordingly to their flocks,661 and Malik went out until he
returned to his residence. When Khalid reached al-Butah, he
scattered portions of the army and ordered them to summon (the
people] to Islam, and to bring to it whoever had not [yet] re¬
sponded; and if he resisted, to kill him. (This] was part of that
with which Abu Bakr had charged him:662 "When you encamp
someplace, make the call to prayer and the iqamah .663 Then, if
the people make the call to prayer and the iqamah, leave them
alone; but if they do not do so, there is no [course] but to raid
them. [In that case] kill them by every means, by fire or what¬
ever else. And if they respond to you in the call to Islam, then
question them [further]; if they affirm (payment of] the alms tax,

658. Cf. Ibn al-Athlr, Kamil, II, 358, intermittent parallel; Baladhurl, Futuh,
98-99; NuwayrI, 83; Isfahan!, XIV, 67; Caetani, 653-55.

659. Here and below, amwal, lit., "properties." It can refer to flocks or to real
property.

660. Qawmun sum a lahum.

66 r. Or, perhaps, "properties, lands" [amwal).

66z. Cf. Balansi, 53; Wathimah, 15/56.

663. The iqamah is the second call to prayer, not broadcast publicly to notify
people at large, but made to the faithful gathered in the mosque to indicate that
prayer is about to begin.

Al-Butah and Its Story

IOI

then accept that from them; but if they deny it, then there is no
[course] but to raid them without any word [of warning]."

Then664 the cavalry brought Malik b. Nuwayrah to [Khalid],
along with some people of Banu Tha'labah b. Yarbu', of 'A$im [1925]
and 'Ubayd and 'Arin and Ja'far.665 The raiding party disagreed
about them; among them was Abu Qatadah, who was one of
those who testified that they had made the call to prayer and the
iqamah and had performed the prayer. So when they disagreed
about them, (Khalid) ordered that they be locked up, on a cold
night against which nothing was sufficient [for warmth]. [The
night] began to get colder, so Khalid ordered a crier to call out,

"Keep your captives warm." Now in the Kinanah dialect, when
one says, " adfi’u al-rajul," it means "keep him warm" or "wrap
him up," but in the dialects of others it means 'kill him."666 So
the people thought, since [the word] meant 'kill" in their dialect,
that he wanted them killed, so they did so; pirar b. al-Azwar
killed Malik. Khalid heard the outcry, so he went out after they
had finished with them; whereupon he said, "If God desires
something, He effects it."

The people disagreed about them.667 Abu Qatadah said [to
Khalid], "This is your doing." At this Khalid countered him
with rough speech,668 whereupon (Abu Qatadah) became angry
and proceeded to Abu Bakr. At this Abu Bakr became angry at
(Abu Qatadah) until 'Umar spoke to him on his behalf, but
(Abu Bakr) would only be content if (Abu Qatadah) returned
to (Khalid); so [Abu Qatadah] returned to [Khalid], so that he
came to Medina with him.

Khalid married Umm Tamim bt. al-Minhal,669 and abstained [1926]

664. Cf. Balansi, 54-55; Nuwayri, 83-84; Isfahan!, XIV, 67.

66 j. Subclans of Tha'labah b. Yarbu' of Tam!m; cf. Caskel, I, Table 69. Banu
'Ubayd genealogically included 'Asim; perhaps 'Ubayd here is used to refer to all
clans other than 'Asim.

666. Evidently the crier was a Kinani. The text is confused here, although the
meaning is clear. See Glossary-, Emendanda-, Lane, Arabic-English Lexicon, s.v.
dafa'a-, Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI, 149; Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 358.

667. I.e., about whether their deaths were reprehensible.

668. Or, perhaps, "pelted him with stones" ( zabara-hu ).

669. The slain Malik b. Nuwayrah's wife: cl. Ibn Hajar, l$abah, s.v. "Malik b.
Nuwayrah"; Diyarbakri, II, Z09, calling her "Umm Mutammim."

102

The Conquest of Arabia

from her so that the period between her menstruations should
elapse.670 Now the Arabs used to find [the taking of] women
abhorrent in war, and condemn it. 'Umar said to Abu Bakr, "In
the sword of Khalid there really is forbidden behavior; and even
if this [story about Malik's execution} were not true, it is neces¬
sary for you to take retaliation on him." He pestered him about
that, but Abu Bakr did not take retaliation on [any of] his tax
agents or commanders.671 Then he said, "Tell me, 'Umar,
(Khalid) sought to clear something up but (in the process] made a
mistake;672 so stop berating him. (Abu Bakr) paid the blood price
for Malik and wrote to Khalid to come before him; so he did that
to explain his story, whereupon (Abu Bakr) pardoned him and
accepted [his explanation]. But (Abu Bakr) did censure him over
[his] marriage to673 one whom the Arabs considered it disgrace¬
ful [to marry] in that way.

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Hisham b. 'Urwah —
his father:674 A group from the raiding party testified that they
[themselves] had made the call to prayer and done the iqamah
and prayed, whereupon [the people being raided] had done like¬
wise; whereas others testified that nothing like that had oc¬
curred, so that [those raided] were killed. [Malik's] brother,675
Mutammim b. Nuwayrah, came begging Abu Bakr for [per¬
mission to seek vengeance for] his blood and requesting him to
make [the guilty parties] captive; but he wrote to him rejecting
[their] capture. 'Umar pressed him to dismiss Khalid, saying, "In
his sword there really is forbidden behavior," whereupon he
replied, "Oh 'Umar, I will not sheathe a sword that God has
drawn against the unbelievers."

670. The idea being to wait until after she had menstruated before
consummating the new marriage, thus removing any doubt about the paternity
of eventual children; an allusion to the ‘iddah or "waiting period" enjoined by
Islamic law. Cf. El2, s.v. "'Idda" (Y. Linant de Bellefonds).

671. kana . . . 'la yuqidu min 'ummali-hi wa-ld waza'ati-hi.

672. ta'awwala fa-'akhta'a. Cf. Balansi, 54, Ibn Hubaysh, 29: m kana
Khalidun ta'awwala amian fa-'akhta'a-hu. Hoenerbach translates "er hat eine
Erklarung gesucht und sich dabei geirrt." (Wathimah, 12/53).

673. Cf. Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI, 149; Emendanda.

674. Cf. Diyarbakri, II, 209; Isfahan!, XIV, 67-68; Caetam, 655.

675. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, II, 359, different story.

Al-Butah and Its Story 103

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Khuzaymah — 'Uth-
man — Suwayd:676 Malik b. Nuwayrah was one of the hairiest of
people. Now the men of the army used the heads [of the slain
captives) to hold up their cooking-pots, and there was no head
among them whose skin the fire did not reach except Malik's,
the pot became well-cooked but his head did not cook because of
the amount of hair on it, the hair preventing [the fire's] heat
from reaching the skin. Mutammim described him in verse,
mentioning his slenderness.677 'Umar had seen him when he
came to the Prophet, so he said, "Was he really like that, Oh
Mutammim?" He replied, "As for what I said, yes."

According to Ibn Humayd — Salamah — Muhammad b. Ishaq —

Talfiah b. 'Abdallah b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Abu Bakr al-
Siddlq:678 Among Abu Bakr's instructions to his armies was
[this]: "When you come upon one of the peoples' abodes, and
then hear the call to prayer in it, desist from its people until you
have asked them for what reason they were hostile. But if you
do not hear the call to prayer, then launch a raid such that you
kill and burn."679 Among those who testified that Malik [b.
Nuwayrah][had embraced] Islam was Abu Qatadah al-Harith b.

Rib'i, a brother of Banu Salimah. He made a vow to God that
he would never witness a war with Khalid b. al-Walid after [1928]
that. He used to relate that when they came upon a group they
would watch them under cover of night so that the group took
up arms. "Then680 we would say, 'We are Muslims,' 'whereupon
they would say, 'We too are Muslims.' [So] we would say, 'Then
what is the meaning of your weapons?' They would say, 'And
what is the meaning of your weapons?' whereupon we would
say, 'If you are as you say, then put your weapons down.' So they
would put them down; then we would pray and they would
pray."

676. Cf. Diyarbakri, II, 109; Baiansi, 54, Wathimah, 12/52, Ibn Hubaysh, 29;
Isfahan!, XIV, 68, which includes a couplet by Mutammim omitted in Tabari.

677. Dr. Landau-Tasseron informs me that in jahili poetry slenderness is
considered a praiseworthy characteristic, since it reveals that the person feeds
his neighbor while remaining hungry himself.

678. Ibn Hubaysh, 29 top (Ibn Ishaq), IsfahanI, XIV, 68, Caetani, 655-56.

679. Cf. pp. 57, 59, above.

680. Cf Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 359, Baiansi, 51 (both fragmentary).

104

The Conquest of Arabia

Khalid used to excuse himself for killing [Malik] [on the
grounds) that [Malik] had said, when he was interrogating him,
"I think your companion681 was only saying such and such."
(Khalid) said, "And why didn't you reckon him a companion of
yours?" Then he made him come forward and struck off his head
and those of his companions. Then, when 'Umar b. al-KhatJab
learned of their murder, he spoke of it with Abu Bakr repeatedly,
saying, "The enemy of God transgressed against a Muslim man,
killing him and then leaping upon his wife." Khalid b. al-
Walid682 approached [Medina] on his return until he entered the
mosque, wearing a robe of his on which was iron rust, and with
his head wrapped in a turban of his in which arrows had become
planted. So when he entered the mosque, 'Umar went to him
and pulled the arrows from his head and smashed them. Then
he said, "What hypocrisy, to kill a Muslim man and then leap
upon his wife! By God, I would pelt you with stones."683 Khalid
b. al-Walid did not speak to him, and thought that Abu Bakr
would only have the same opinion about him as 'Umar, until
he entered upon Abu Bakr. When he entered upon him, he told
[1929] him the story and Abu Bakr pardoned him and forgave him
without punishment for whatever had happened in his recent
campaign. So Khalid went out when Abu Bakr favored him.
'Umar was seated in the mosque, so he said, "Come to me, you
son of the world!"684 From this, 'Umar knew that Abu Bakr
had favored him, so he did not speak to him and went into his
house.

The one who killed Malik b. Nuwayrah was 'Abd b. al-
Azwar al-Asadi.685

According to Ibn al-Kalbi, the one who killed Malik b.
Nuwayrah was Dirar b. al-Azwar.686

681. I.e., the Prophet, as a gloss in Isfahan!, XIV, 68 makes clear.

681. Cf. Ibn al-Athlr, II, 359, fragment; Nuwayri, 84-85.

683. The punishment for adultery in classical Islamic law. See Joseph Schacht,
Introduction to Islamic Law, 15-16.

684. Or: “one with the cloak": b. umm Shamlah. Ibn al-Athlr, Kamil, II, 359
has “b. Umm Salamah."

685. According to Ibn al-Athlr, Usd, III, 334, same as Dirar b. al-Azwar;
according to Ibn Hajar, Isabah, s.v., Dirar's brother.

686. Cf. Wathimah, 11/52.

Musaylimah the Liar and His Tribe

105

Remainder of the Story of Musaylimah the Liar and
His Tribe of the People of al-Yamamah

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Sahl b. Yusuf — al-Qasim
b. Muhammad:687 When Abu Bakr sent 'Ikrimah b. Abi Jahl
against Musaylimah and sent Shuraljbll after him, 'Ikrimah
made haste and strove to precede Shurahbll so that he might
secure [for himself] the fame [of having made war.]688 He at¬
tacked (Musaylimah's followers), whereupon they defeated him.
Shurahbll remained on the road where689 the news reached him.

'Ikrimah wrote to Abu Bakr about his situation, so Abu Bakr
wrote to him, "Oh Ibn Umm 'Ikrimah, let me not see you, nor
should you see me in this situation; nor should you turn back,
thereby weakening the army. Forge ahead so that you assist
Hudhayfah and 'Arfajah, fighting along with them the people of
'Uman and Mahrah. And if the two of them are occupied,
proceed yourself; then march with your army mopping up those
whom you pass until you meet al-Muhajir b. Abi Umayyah in [1930]
the Yemen and Hadramawt." And (Abu Bakr) wrote to Shurahbll
ordering him to stay put until his [further] order should reach
him. Then he wrote to him several days before directing Khalid
to al-Yamamah: "When Khalid reaches you, then you will be
unoccupied if God wills, so betake yourself to Quda'ah so that
you and 'Amr b. al-'A$ may be against those of them who have
denied and resisted [Islam]." So when Khalid arrived before Abu
Bakr from al-Butah, Abu Bakr was pleased with Khalid, listened
to his excuse, and accepted [it] from him, and believed him and
was pleased with him and directed him against Musaylimah.

The army went campaigning with him; Thabit b. Qays690 and al-
Bara’ b. Fulan691 led the An§ar, Abu Hudhayfah692 and Zayd693

687. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 360-61; Nuwayri, 89-90.

688. Lit., “that he might take away its reputation."

689. Ibn al-Athir: "When." Kos, Manuscript B, Nuwayri: "until."

690. Cf. Ibn Hubaysh, 39 top, p. 116, below, for different arrangement.

691. Perhaps al-Bara’ b. Malik; cf- p. 118, below.

692. Abu Hudhayfah b. 'Utbah was an early convert to Islam from the
Umayyah clan of Quraysh and an emigrant to Abyssinia,- later killed at al-
Yamamah. Ibn al-Athir, Usd, V, 170.

693. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil identifies him as Zayd b. al-Khattab, who was the
older half-brother of the future caliph 'Umar b. al-Khattab arid one of the first
Muhajirun. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Usd, II, 228-29.

The Conquest of Arabia

10 6

led the Muhajirun, and leading the tribes was a man over each
tribe. Khalid hurried to reach the men of the army at al-Butah,
and awaited the levy that was being raised in Medina; then,
when it reached him, he went forth until he came to al-Yama-
mah. Banu Hanifah were at that time numerous.

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Abu Amr b. al-'Ala’ —
a man:694 The number of Banu Hanifah in those days were
40,000 fighting men in their villages and adjacent tracts. So
Khalid marched until, when he drew near them, he made some
cavalry bear down on 'Aqqah and al-Hudhayl and Wattad,695
who had stayed [behind to take care of] the tribute that
Musaylimah had given out to them so that they might take it to
Sajah. He [also] wrote to the tribes of Tamim about ('Aqqa,
al-Hudhayl and Wattad), so that (the Tamimis) drove them away
1] and expelled them from the Arabian peninsula. Shurahbil b.
Hasanah hurried and did what 'Ikrimah had done; he tried to
precede Khalid by fighting Musaylimah before Khalid could
reach him; but he was struck by disaster, so he refrained from
fighting. So when Khalid reached him he reproached him. Khalid
only relied on those cavalry out of fear that (the enemy) would
come upon him from behind while they were on the outskirts of
al-Yamamah.

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — 'Abdallah b. Sa'id b.
Thabit — someone who informed him — Jabir b. Fulan:696 Abu
Bakr reinforced Khalid with Salit,697 so that he would support
him against anyone who might come upon him from behind. So
(Salit) went out; then, when he drew near Khalid, he found those
cavalry who had gone repeatedly to698 that country had scattered
and fled. So he stayed close to them, as reinforcement. Abu Bakr
used to say, "I do not appoint699 the people of Badr/00 [rather] I

694. Cf. Ibn al-Athlr, Kamil, II, 3 6 1 ; Nuwayri, 90.

695. Reading thus instead of Ziyad in the text, as Emendanda : cf. p. 88.

696. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 361; Nuwayri, 90.

697. Nuwayri, 90 identifies him as Salit b. 'Amr b. 'Abd Shams al-Amiri
al-Qurashi. According to Ibn al-Athir, Usd, II, 344, Salit b. Amr, brother of
Suhayl b. Amr, was one of the first Muhajirun, and the Prophet had sent him in
ah 6 or 7 to Hawdhah b. All and Thumamah b. Uthal al-Hanafi.

698. Intabat. Cf. Ibn Manzur, I, 775.

699. La asta'milu.

700. One wonders if the text here originally read "nomads" ( ahl al-wabar)-, cf.
Donner, Early Islamic Conquests, 164 and note 44.

Musaylimah the Liar and His Tribe 107

leave them to meet God with the best of their works. For truly
God delivers more and better [things] through them and through
the upright among the nations [umam) than He achieves victory
through them." [But in his caliphate] 'Umar b. al-Khattab used
to say, "By God, I make them [truly] partners,- and may I be
imitated [in doing this]."

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Talhah b. al-A'lam —

'Ubayd b. 'Umayr — Uthal al-Hanafi, who was with Thumamah
b. Uthal: Musaylimah used to treat everyone gently and be
amicable with him, and it did not occur to the people to know
evil from him. With him was Nahar "al-Rajjal" b. 'Unfuwah;701 [1932]
he had emigrated to the Prophet, recited the Qur’an, and be¬
come knowledgeable in religion; so (the Prophet) had sent him
as a teacher to the people of al-Yamamah, and to stir up discord
against Musaylimah and strengthen the situation of the Muslims.

He was more [a cause of] sedition702 among the Banu Hanifah
than was Musaylimah; he swore to (Musaylimah) that he had
heard Muhammad say that he was made a partner with him.
Consequently (people) believed (Musaylimah) and responded to
[his call]. They ordered him to write to the Prophet, and pro¬
mised him that they would support him against (the Prophet) if
(the latter) did not accept. Now, Nahar al-Rajjal b. 'Unfuwah
would not say anything, but only followed him in it, and ending
up [doing what he suggested]. [Among Muslims] the call to
prayer used to be made [in the name of] the Prophet, and it was
declared in the call to prayer that Muhammad was the Apostle
of God. The one who used to make the call to prayer for
(Musaylimah) was 'Abdallah b. al-Nawwahah, and the one who
used to make the iqamah for him was Hujayr b. 'Umayr,703 who
[also] made the declaration [of prophethood] to him. [But] when
Hujayr was about to make the declaration, Musaylimah would

701. Cf. Ibn al-Athlr, Kamil, II, 361; Nuwayri, 85-86; Caetani, 639. The name
is uncertain, cf. p. 117, below, "al-Rahhal." Diyarbakri, II, 189 and zu has
"al-Dajjal." Balansi, 58-59 and Ibn Hubaysh, 30 bottom have "al-Rajjal"; but Ibn
Hubaysh, 63 bottom, suggests that there were two brothers, named al-Rajjal and
al-Rahhal or al-Dajjal, both killed at al-Yamamah.
joz. Fitnah.

703. Possibly Hujayr b. 'Umayr, poet of the Usayyid clan of Tamim: cf.
Caskel, II, 319.

io8 The Conquest of Arabia

say, "Speak clearly, Hujayr!" So he would raise his voice and
exert himself in declaring himself and Nahar veracious, and in
imputing error to those who had embraced Islam.704 His dignity
made a great impression upon them.

(Musaylimah)705 erected a sacred enclave in al-Yamamah,
restricting it and imposing it upon the people so that it was
respected. Now there were situated within that sacred enclave
the villages of the Ahalif706 — sections of Banu Usayyid707 whose
abode was in al-Yamamah; so the place of their abode came to
be in the sacred area. (The Aljalif are Sayhan, Numarah, Nimr,
and al-Harith, sons of Jurwah).708 So if (the Yamamans) had
abundant fruits, (Banu Usayyid) raided the orchards709 of the
(1933] people of al-Yamamah and defiled the sacred enclave. If (the
Yamamans) got wind that they had entered (the sacred enclave),
they withdrew from (Usayyid) in fear; but if they were not aware
of them, that was what (Usayyid) wanted.710 That happened (to
the Yamamans) frequently, until they asked (Musaylimah) for
help against them. At this (Musaylimah) said, "I am expecting
something to come to me from heaven about you and them."
Then he said, "By the darkest night, by the blackest wolf, by the
mountain goat, Usayyid has not defiled a sacred thing."711 So
they replied, "Is it not forbidden to desecrate the holy enclave

704. The text about the calls to prayer is difficult; either we must assume
several unmarked changes of subject, or assume that the sentence relates to
Nahar's and Hujayr's change of sides. The former assumption has been adopted
here. Cf. the version of the story in Ibn Hubaysh, 34 bottom and 35 middle:
Hujayr would say the call to prayer in Muhammad's name, and then say
"Musaylimah is . . ." and stop. So one of Musaylimah's followers would say,
"Speak clearly, Hujayr!" Whereupon he would say, "Musaylimah is the Apostle
of God." Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, condenses Tabari's version, but also attempts to
show Hujayr vacillating in his call to prayer.

705. Cf. Nuwayri, 86-88 (as far as p. hi, below); Caetani, 639-41.

706. Or "confederates."

707. A section of Banu 'Amr b. Tamim.

708. Of these only al-Harith b. Jurwah conforms to the information in Caskel
I, Table 83, where the other sons of Jurwah are Juwayy, Sahm, and Shurayf. Ibn
Hazm, zo, has Jurdah b. Usayyid, and the sons are different again. Ibn Durayd,
130, has a Banu al-Harith b. Juhwah. Kos has S.yjan. On Jurwah b. Usayyid, cf.
Kister, "Mecca and Tamim," 146.

709. Thimar, lit., "the fruits."

710. I.e., they could raid the oasis undisturbed.

71 1. Rhymed prose.

Musaylimah the Liar and His Tribe 109

and to ruin property?" Then (Usayyid) went back to raiding and
(the Yamamans) went back to complaining, so he said, "I am
expecting something [more] to come to me." Then he said,

"By the obscure night, by the restless wolf, Usayyid never cut
anything, neither succulent nor dry."712 At this they replied,

"Aren't date palms succulent? Yet they cut them off; aren't
garden walls dry? Yet they tore them down." So he said (to the
Yamamans], "Go! Return, for you have no claim." Among
the things that he recited to them about (Usayyid) was: "Banu
Tamim is a tribe of purity, an independent tribe with nothing
reprehensible about them and [who pay] no tribute [to anyone];
let us be allies of protection with them in goodness as long as we
live, let us protect them from every person, then when we die
their fate will be to the Merciful One ( al-Rahman )," And he
[also] used to say, "By the goats, by their kinds, by the most
remarkable of them — the black ones and their milk, by the
black goat, by the white milk, indeed it is the wonder of pure
milk, adulterating milk has been forbidden, so what you have,
do not mix milk with dates." And he used to say,713 "Oh frog, [1934]
daughter of a frog, croak what you croak, your upper part is in
the water and your lower part in the mud, do not bar any person
drinking, nor make the water turbid." And he used to say, "By
the women who scatter seed at planting, by the women reaping
at harvest, by the women who winnow wheat, by the women
who grind flour, by the women who break bread, by the women
who break bread into crumbs, by the women who gobble mouth¬
fuls of grease and fat, you714 have been favored over the people
of the hair [tents],715 nor shall the settled people716 take pre-

7iz. Rhymed prose. Nuwayri, 87 offers "powerful wolf" as a gloss.

7t3. Authors wishing to ridicule Musaylimah are fond of quoting this passage
from his alleged revelations; cf. p. 133, below; Diyarbakri, II, 158, 210 bottom;
Ibn Hubaysh, 32, 34, 61; Ibn at-Athir, Kamil, II, 361-62; Balansi, 117-18;
Nuwayri, 87.

714. Here and subsequently the verbs and pronouns are masculine plural; i.e.,
the passage is addressed to Musaylimah's followers in general, not to women in
particular.

715. I.e., over the nomads; ahl al-wabai.

716. Ahl al-madar.

no

The Conquest of Arabia

cedence over you, defend your cultivated land,717 shelter the one
seeking favor, and oppose the oppressor/'718

There719 came to (Musaylimah) a woman of Banu Hanifah
called Umm al-Haytham, saying, "Our date palms are tall720
and our wells are dried up> so pray to God for our water and
our palms as Muhammad prayed for the people of Hazman."
Whereupon (Musaylimah) said, "Oh Nahar, what is she talking
about?" So (Nahar) explained, "The people of Hazman came to
Muhammad complaining of how far away their water was; and
their wells were dried up and their palms very tall. So he prayed
for them, so that their wells overflowed and every date palm
that was expired leaned over so that its branches, that is its top,
[1935] touched the ground so that it struck roots; then it was cut
from below, so that it once again had blooming palm shoots
growing upward."721 (Musaylimah) said, "And what did he do
with the wells?" (Nahar) replied, "He called for a bucket full of
water and then prayed for them into it. Then he rinsed with a
mouthful of it and spat it into it, whereupon they took it away
to empty it into those wells; then they watered their palms with
it, doing with the aged [palm] what I described to you,722
whereas the other [palms] remained [as they were] until they
aged."723 So Musaylimah called for a bucket of water and prayed
for them into it. Then he rinsed with some of it and spat [it] into
it, so they took it and poured it into their wells, whereupon the
waters of those wells sank into the ground and their palms
became barren;724 but that only became evident after his defeat.

Nahar said to (Musaylimah), "Ask72S blessings upon the
newborns of Banu Hanifah," at which he said to him, "What is

717. Rif-, Ibn al-Athlr, Kamil, has riq, "saliva"; Abbott, citing al-Kilani, al-
Du'dt, 56, suggests rafiq, "companion."

718. Perhaps "the adulterer": al-bdghi.

719. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 362; Caetani, 639.

720. I.e., and therefore hard to harvest.

721. The sentence is awkward; cf. Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI, 149.

722. Aged palm = al-muntaha-, i.e., it was bent over to the ground so that the
top struck roots, etc.

723. Ila intiha’i-hi.

724. Cf. Diyarbakri, II, 158.

725. Cf. Ibn Hubaysh, 33, 1. r 3ff; Ibn al-Athlr, Kamil, II, 362; Nuwayri, 88.

Musaylimah the Liar and His Tribe

hi

this 'asking for blessings'?" [Nahar] replied, "Whenever a new¬
born was born among the people of the Hijaz, they used to bring
him to Muhammad, whereupon he would rub his palate with
a date pit726 and anoint his head." No child was brought to
Musaylimah for such treatment, however, but that he would
gnash the teeth and speak defectively; but that [only] became
apparent after his defeat.

They said, "Search out their walled gardens, as Muhammad
used to do, to pray in them." So he entered one of the gardens of
al-Yamamah and washed in it; whereupon Nahar said to the
owner of the garden, "Why don't you water your garden with the
wash water of al-Rahman until it was irrigated and drenched, [1936]
just as Banu al-Mahriyyah, a family of Banu Hanifah, did?"

(Now a man of al-Mahriyyah had come to the Prophet, and
taken his wash water and carried it with him to al-Yamamah
and poured it into his well. Then he drew it out and used it for
irrigation. His land [formerly] used to be parched, but [thereafter]
it was quenched and satisfied, so that you would find only tall
greenery.) So [the owner] did so, whereupon [his land] became
once again wasteland, [and] its pasture would not grow.727

A man came to (Musaylimah) saying, "Pray to God for my
land, for it is saline, just as Muhammad prayed for a man
of Sulaym on behalf of his land." At this (Musaylimah) asked,

"What is he talking about, oh Nahar?" So (Nahar) said,728
"A man of Sulaym whose land exuded salty water came to
(Muhammad), so he prayed for him and gave him a bucket of
water and spat into it for him; whereupon he poured it out into
his well. Then he drew some, and it had become sweet and
good." So (Musaylimah) did the same, whereupon the man left
and did with the bucket just as the man of Sulaym had done; but
his land drowned, its moisture did not dry up, and its fruit did
not ripen.729

A woman fetched him to come to some date palms of hers, to

726. A ritual used to invoke blessings on newborns; cf. Avner Gil'adi, "Some
Notes on Tahnik in Medieval Islam."

727. Cf. Diyarbakri, II, 158.

728. Cf. Ibn Hubaysh, 33, 11. 22ff.

729. Cf. Balansi, 63.

II 2

The Conquest of Arabia

pray for them on her behalf; then she cut off all their date
clusters on the day of 'Aqraba’.730 They had learned [that Musay-
limah was a fraud), and it had become clear to them, but the
wretch overcame them.

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Khulayd b. Zufar al-
[1937) Namari — 'Umayr b. Talhah al-Namari:731 His father came to al-
Yamamah and said, "Where is Musaylimah?" At this people
said, "Careful! [Call him] the Apostle of God!" So he replied,
"No, (not) until I have seen him." So when he came to him he
said, "You are Musaylimah?" He replied, "Yes." He said, "Who
comes to you?" (Musaylimah) replied, "Rahman." He asked,
"Does [he come] in light or in darkness?" He replied, "In dark¬
ness." Whereupon he said, "I bear witness that you are a liar and
that Muhammad tells the truth; but a liar of Rabi'ah is dearer to
us than a veracious person of Mutfar." So he was killed with
(Musaylimah) at the battle of 'Aqraba’.

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — al-Kalbi: the same [ac¬
count], except that he said, "A liar of Rabi'ah is dearer to me
than a veracious person of Muijar."

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf— Talhah b. al-A'lam —
'Ubayd b. 'Umayr — a man of them:732 When Musaylimah
learned of Khalid's approach, he established his army at 'Aqraba’.
He called the people together to fight and people began to go out
against him. Mujja'ah b. Murarah733 went out at the head of a
raiding party, seeking blood revenge he had among Banu 'Amir
and Banu Tamlm.734 He feared that he might die, and hastened

730. The decisive battle between the Muslims and the followers of
Musaylimah; cf. below, pp. n8ff.

731. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 362; Caetani, 641-42.

732. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 362; Diyarbakri, II, 2ir; Balansi, 71-72; Ibn
Hubaysh, 36 middle.

733. Caskel, II, 419 and Ibn al-Athir, Usd, IV, 300-301 have him linked to
different clans of the tribe of Hanifah. He is said to have come to the Prophet,
who gave him tracts of land ( aqtaa-hu ) in al-Yamamah— perhaps actually only
confirming his previous ownership; cf. Baladhuri, Futuh, 93. Since Khawlah bt.
Ja'far (see text, below, and note 736) was of al-Dul, it seems likely that Mujja'ah
was of this clan also. Nuwayri, 90: Mujja'ah b. Murarah b. Salma.

734. Balansi, 71 and 117, and Ibn Hubaysh, 36 say Banu Numayr— possibly
Numayr b. Usayyid, a clan of 'Amr b. Tamim. Cf. Caskel, II, 450.

Musaylimah the Liar and His Tribe 1 13

to the task. As for their735 blood revenge among Banu 'Amir,

Khawlah bt. Ja'far736 was among them, so they kept him from
her; but he abducted her (anyway). As for his blood revenge
among Banu Tamim, (it was about] camels they took from him.

Khalid received Shurahbil b. Hasanah and then sent him ahead,
and ordered Khalid b. Fulan al-Makhzuml737 over the vanguard;
and he put over the two wings Zayd738 and Abu Fludhayfah.
Musaylimah put over his two wings al-Muhakkam739 and al-
Rajjal; then Khalid marched, along with Shurahbil, until, when [1938]
he was a day's march740 from the army of Musaylimah, he
attacked Jubaylah Huju'741 with forty [men] — according to those
who diminish [the numbers] — or sixty [men] — according to those
who augment [them]. Lo and behold, there was Mujja'ah and his
companions; sleep had overcome them while they were return¬
ing from the Band Amir country, having passed by them and
extricated Khawlah bt. Ja'far, who was with them. They stopped
for a brief rest this side of the lowest part of the pass742 — the
pass of al-Yamamah; whereupon they found them asleep, with
the leads of their horses in their hands under their cheeks,
unaware that the army was near them. So they woke them up
and said, "Who are you?" They said, "This is Mujja'ah and these
are Hanifah." They replied, "And who are you, may God not
give you life?" Then they tied them up and waited until Khalid
b. al-Walid came to them, and brought them to him. Khalid
thought that they were coming to him to meet him and to take

735. Cairo: "his."

736. Khawlah bt. Ja'far, the "Hanifite woman" \al-hanafiyya), became the wife
of 'All b. Abi Talib after the death of his first wife, the Prophet's daughter
Fatimah. Cf. Ibn Sa'd, III/i, ir, 1. 24.

737. Possibly Khalid b. al-'As b. Hisham b. al-Mughirah, who later served as
governor of Mecca for 'Umar and 'Uthman. Cf. Caskel, I, Table 23 and Ibn
alAthlr, Usd, II, 85-86.

738. Cairo index identifies him as Zayd b. Harithah; but possibly Zayd b.
al-Khattab; cf. p. 105, above. Diyarbakri, II, 21 1 has Zayd b. al-Khattab, Abu
Hudhayfah b. 'Utbah b. Rabl'ah, with other individuals and posts listed being
different from version in the text.

739. Al-Muhakkam b. al-Tufayl, a Hanafi: cf. Caskel, II, 421; Wathimah,
19/60.

740. Lit., "the march of a night."

741. Manuscript B, Cairo: "Jubaylah Hujum."

742. Thaniyyah, "mountain pass" or possibly "mountain."

The Conquest of Arabia

114

precautions against him in his business.743 So he said, "When
did you hear about us?" They replied. "We weren't aware of you;
we were only returning from a [raid for] blood vengeance of ours
among those around us of Banu Amir and Tamlm." (If they
had been wise, they would have said, "We [wished to] receive
you when we heard of you.") So (Khalid) ordered that they
be killed. They were all ready to give their lives protecting
Mujja'ah b. Murarah; so they said, "If you wish good or evil
with the people of al-Yamamah tomorrow, spare this one and
do not kill him." So Khalid killed them and kept Mujja'a
imprisoned with himself, as a hostage.

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Talhah — 'Ikrimah —
Abu Hurayrah and Abdallah b. Sa'id — Abu Sa'Id — Abu Huray-
[1939] rah: Abu Bakr had sent to al-Rajjal to come to him and receive
his charge; then he sent him to the people of al-Yamamah, being
of the opinion that he was being truthful when he responded
to him. According to Abu Hurayrah:744 I was sitting with the
Prophet in a group of us among whom was al-Rajjal b. 'Unfu-
wah, when (the Prophet) said: "Truly there is among you a man
whose molar tooth, [when he is] in the fire, will be larger than
[Mount] Uhud."745 [Eventually] the group passed away, and only
al-Rajjal and I remained [alive], so I was afraid because of this
until al-Rajjal rebelled with Musaylimah and testified that he
was a prophet.746 The dissension747 of al-Rajjal was more serious
than the dissension of Musaylimah. Abu Bakr748 sent Khalid

743. I.e., he thought they were coming to conclude a truce with him.

744. Cf. Ibn Hajar, Isabah, s.v. "al-Rajjal."

745. Cf. p. 118. The hadith occurs in Ibn Majah, Sunan, II, 1445 |no. 4311).
The meaning is that the body of the unbeliever who has gone to hell will be
enlarged so that it will suffer more; the molar tooth will be larger than Mt.
Uhud, by Medina, and the rest of the body enlarged proportionately. Many
variants are listed in Wensinck, Concordance, III, 508. I thank Dr. Iftikhar
Zaman for clarifying this hadith for me.

746. Although the text does not indicate as much, it seems likely that the
account of Abu Hurayrah ends here, and that the following paragraph is
transmitted not by him but by 'Iknmah and Abu Sa'id.

747. Fitnah. E. Landau-Tasseron notes that the word here is close to "its
original meaning, i.e., an error caused by Satan’s temptation” Ipersonal
communication). For a clearer sense of what the sentence means, see p. 120,
below.

748. Cf. Diyarbakri, II, 21 1 top.

Musaylimah the Liar and His Tribe 1 1 5

against them, so he marched until, when he reached the pass of
al-Yamamah, he encountered Mujja'ah b. Murarah, a chief of
Banu Hanifah, with a company from his tribe, intending to raid
the Banu 'Amir749 in search of blood vengeance. They were
twenty-three horsemen and cameleers. They had stopped for a
brief rest; but Khalid took them by surprise at night in their
camp, whereupon he asked, "Whence did you hear about us?"

To which they replied, "We had not heard about you, we had
only gone out to exact a blood vengeance due to us from the
Band Amir." So Khalid ordered that their heads be cut off,
sparing Mujja'ah. Then he marched to al-Yamamah, but Musay¬
limah and the Band Hanifah went out when they heard of [the
approach of] Khalid and encamped at Aqraba’, whereupon he
alighted there with them. Now ('Aqraba’) was on the outskirts
of al-Yamamah this side of the flocks750 with the cultivated land
of al-Yamamah at their backs. Shurahbil b. Musaylimah said,751
"Oh Band Hanifah, today is the day of vigilance; today, if you
are defeated, [your] womenfolk will be carried off on horseback
as captives, and will be taken as wives without being demanded
in marriage.752 So fight for your reputations and defend your
women." So they fought at Aqraba’. The standard753 of the [1940]
Muhajirun was with Salim,754 the mawla of Abu Hudhayfah,
but (the Muhajirun) said, "Do we have anything to fear from you
for our own sake?"755 At this he replied, "What a bad bearer of

749. Ibn Hubaysh, 36 middle: Banu Numayr.

750. Dun al-amwdl) possibly we should translate amwal as "property," but
the meaning proposed would place 'Aqraba’ in a logical defensive situation — far
enough out to defend the cultivated land | rif), but still firmly within the territory
controlled by the Banu Hanifah and/or its pastoral allies.

751. Cf. Ibn al-Athlr, Kamil, II, 361-63; p. 131, below; Nuwayri, 91.

752. Reading ghayr khatibat with Cairo, Ibn al-Athlr, Kamil, Wellhausen,
Skizzen, VI, 149, and Emendanda-, possibly "without being honored" or "not
esteemed" ( ghayr haziyydt), as in text, Nuwayri, 91, and Ibn Hubaysh, 45
bottom.

753. Cf. p. ioj, above and p. izi, below; Ibn Hubaysh, 39 top, 40 bottom.

754. A Persian slave from Istakhr, he was one of the favored companions; he
was later freed, then adopted, by Abu Hudhayfah. One of the most
knowledgeable reciters of Qur’an. Cf. Ibn al-Athlr, Usd, II, 245-47.

755. The Muhajirun ask Salim if he thinks he is able to defend their battle
standard effectively, or whether he fears he may be incapable of doing it well
enough, in which case it is a matter of concern to all of them.

The Conquest of Arabia

116

the Qur’an I would be, then!” The standard of the An§ar was
with Thabit b. Qays b. Shammas,756 and the nomads ( al-'arab )
were [organized] according to their standards, and Mujja'ah was
prisoner with Umm Tamim in her tent. The Muslims were dealt
a setback, and people757 from Banu Hanifah entered upon Umm
Tamim and wanted to kill her, but Mujja'ah stopped them,
saying, "I am her protector; what an excellent, noble-born
woman she is!” So he kept them from her. The Muslims re¬
turned, wheeling around against them so that Banu Hanifah was
put to flight. At this al-Muhakkam b. al-Tufayl said,758 "Oh
Banu Hanifah, enter the walled garden; meanwhile I will defend
your backs.” So he fought behind them for an hour; then God
killed him ('Abd al-Rahman b. Abi Bakr759 killed him). The
unbelievers entered the garden; Wahshi killed Musaylimah just
as a man of the An$ar was striking him, so he shared with him
in it.

According to Ibn Humayd — Salamah — Muhammad b. Ishaq: a
similar account to this account of Sayf, except that he said:760
When it became morning Khalid called for Mujja'ah and those
who had been taken with him, and said: "Oh Banu Hanifah,
what do you have to say?" They replied, "We say, ‘A prophet
from us and a prophet from you.' So761 he put them to the
sword, until when there remained of them [only] a man called
Sariyah b. 'Amir762 and Mujja'ah b. Murarah, Sariyah said
to (Khalid), "Oh man, if you wish good or evil in this town
[1941] tomorrow,763 then spare this man," meaning Mujja'ah. So
Khalid ordered that he be bound in irons; then he sent him to

756. Cf. Balansi, 76.

757. Cf. p. 118, below, and parallels noted there; also Ibn Hubaysh, 42, and Ibn
al-Athlr, Kamil, II, 363, which have the story as here.

758. Cf. Balansi, 94; Ibn Hubaysh, 45 bottom, 47 top.

759. Son of the first caliph.

760. Cf. Ibn Hubaysh, 35 middle; Caetani, 641.

761. Cf. Balansi, 72.

762. Ibn Hubaysh: Sariyah b. Maslamah b. 'Amir; Caskel, I, Table 156, II, 51 r:
Sariyah b. 'Amr of Yarbu' clan of Hanifah. According to Caskel, Sariyah b.
Maslamah was not son of 'Amir/'Amr, but of 'Ubayd b. Tha’labah b.
Yarbu' . . . Hanifah.

763. Ibn Hubaysh, 35: "if you wish good or evil with the people of al-
Yamamah."

Musaylimah the Liar and His Tribe 117

his wife, Umm Tamim, and said, "Look after him well." Then
he proceeded until he encamped at al-Yamamah upon a dune
overlooking al-Yamamah, and established his army in it. The
people of al-Yamamah came out with Musaylimah; he had sent
ahead with his vanguard al-Rahhal b. 'Unfuwah b. Nahshal
(According to al-Tabari, Ibn Humayd [spells the name] thus,
with "h," [not al-Rajjal as other authorities have it]).764 Al-
Rahhal was a man of Banu Hanlfah who had embraced Islam
and recited the Surah of The Cow.765 Then when he came to
al-Yamamah, he testified to Musaylimah that the Apostle of
God had made him a partner in authority, so he was more
significant in [sowing] discord766 among the people of al-
Yamamah than was Musaylimah [himself]. The Muslims were
asking about al-Rahhal, fearing that he would dull their cause
with the people of al-Yamamah through his Islam. Then he
met them with the first of the army squadrons. Khalid b. al-
Walld, while he was sitting upon his seat in the company of the
notables of the people, the people being at their battle stations,
had said while he looked at the flashing swords among Banu
Hanifah, "Oh company of Muslims, rejoice, for God has pro¬
tected you from the cause of your enemy. The force has with¬
drawn, if God wills." At this al-Mujja'ah looked while he was
behind him bound in irons, and then said, "No, by God, but it is
the Indian swords; they feared that they would shatter, so they
exposed them to the sun so that they would be flexible for
them";767 and it was as he said. Then when they met the
Muslims, the first who met them was al-Rahhal b. 'Unfuwah,
whereupon God killed him.

According to Ibn Humayd — Salamah — Muhammad b. Ishaq —
a chief of Banu Hanlfah — Abu Hurayrah: The Apostle of God
said one day while Abu Hurayrah and Rahhal b. 'Unfuwah [1942.]

764. On the name cf. p. 107, above.

765. The second, and longest, of the chapters or surahs of the Qur’an;
presumably this means that he could recite it from memory.

7 66. Fitnah.

Cf. Balansi, 77, Diyarbakri, II, 21 1 bottom: “so that they (wej could meet
them." Ibn Hubaysh, 39: "to warm up their blades" (li-taskhuna mutuna-hum ),
for the morning was cold. Cf. Ibn Hubaysh, 47 bottom,- Baladhuri, Futuh, 88.

The Conquest of Arabia

118

were in a group meeting with him, “Oh company, the molar
tooth of one of you in hellfire on the Day of Judgment will be
larger than Uhud."768 Abu Hurayrah said, “The group passed
away and only Rahhal b. 'Unfuwah and I survived, where¬
upon I remained frightened because of this until I heard of the
rebellion of Rahhal, at which I felt secure and knew that what
the Apostle of God had said was true." Then the people met [in
battle],769 and no war of the Arabs had ever met them like [this}
war/70 so the people fought intensely until the Muslims were
put to flight and Banu Hanxfah reached Mujja'ah and Khalid,
so that Khalid left his tent. The people771 entered the tent in
which Mujja'ah was with Umm Tamim, and a man attacked
her with a sword; whereupon Mujja'ah said, “Stop! I am her
protector, and what an excellent, noble-born woman she is!
Attack the men!" So they reduced the tent to tatters with
swords. Then the Muslims called to one another; such that
Thabit b. Qays said, “How bad is that to which you have made
yourselves accustomed,772 oh company of Muslims! Oh God, I
have nothing to do with what these ones worship,"773 (meaning
the people of al-Yamamah), "and I have nothing to do with what
these ones do" (meaning the Muslims). Then he waded into
battle with his sword until he was killed. Zayd b. al-Khaftab,
when the people became removed from their saddles, said,
“There is no retreating after al-Rahhal." Then he fought until
he was killed. Then al-Bara’ b. Malik/74 brother of Anas

768. Cf. p. 1 14, above.

769. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 363; Diyarbakri, II, zn.

770. I.e., they had never seen the Arabs (i.e., nomads) fighting this intensely
before.

771. Cf. Balansi, 78, 79; Ibn Hubaysh, 39-40, Nuwayri, 91-9Z.

77Z. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 363: bi’sa ma 'awwadtum anfusa-kum-,
Diyarbakri, II, ziz, Balansi, 79: bi’sa ma 'awwadtum anfusa-kum al-farar-, Ibn
Hubaysh, 45 bottom: bi’sa ma 'awwadtum al-a'idb, said by 'lyad b. Bishr;
Nuwayri, 9Z, has bi’sa ma da'awtum anfusakum ilayhi, which means "how bad
is that to which you have summoned yourselves."

773. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 363: "I have nothing to do with what these ones
do."

774. Cf. Diyarbakri, II, Z15-16; Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 364; Balansi, 90-91;
Nuwayri, 9Z-93.

Musaylimah the Liar and His Tribe 119

b. Malik,775 stood up; now whenever he faced battle, he used [1943]
to be overcome by tremors so that men [had to] sit upon him;
then he would shake violently beneath them until he urinated
in his trousers. When he urinated he would be aroused as a lion
is aroused. Now when he saw what the people had done, he was
overcome in this manner so that the men sat upon him; then,
after he had urinated, he sprang up saying, "Where [are they], oh
company of Muslims? I am Bara’ b. Malik, come on with me!"

A group of the rear guard of the army returned and fought the
enemy until God killed them and they reached Muhakkam
al-Yamamah, who was Muhakkam b. al-Tufayl. When the fight¬
ing reached him, (Muhakkam) said,776 "Oh company of Banu
Hanifah, now the noble-born women will be carried off unwill¬
ingly behind [the riders as captives], and will be taken as wives
without being requested in marriage.777 So display whatever
nobility you have." Then he fought intensely; 'Abd al-Rahman
b. Abi Bakr al-§iddiq shot him with an arrow, hitting him in his
throat and killing him.

Then778 the Muslims advanced until they made them take
refuge in the walled garden, the "garden of death," in which was
the enemy of God, Musaylimah the liar. So al-Bara’ said, "Oh
company of Muslims, throw me onto them in the garden," but
the people told Bara’ that they would not do so. Whereupon he
said, "By God, you surely shall cast me upon them in it!" So he
was hoisted up until, when he overlooked the garden from the
wall, he leapt down, fighting them from the gate of the garden
in order to open it for the Muslims. The Muslims entered
upon them in [the garden] and they fought until God killed
Musaylimah the enemy of God. WahshI,779 mawla of Jubayr b.

77j . Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, has "Asad b. Malik." Anas b. Malik, an Ansari and
early companion of the Prophet, was considered an important source of
prophetic traditions: cf. Ibn al-Athir, Usd, I, 117-19; El2, s.v. "Anas b. Malik,"
(A. ]■ Wensinck and J. Robson).

776. Cf. Diyarbakri, II, 116; BalansI, 93-94.

777. Cf. p. 115, above.

778. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 364; Ibn Hubaysh, 46 top, 47; cf. references at
p. 115, below.

779. Cf. Diyarbakri, II, 116; BalansI, 95.

120

The Conquest of Arabia

Mut'im,780 and a man of the An$ar were partners in killing
him, both of them striking him; as for Wahshi, he thrust his
javelin against him, whereas the An$ari struck him with his
sword. Wahshi used to say, "Your Lord knows which of us killed
him."

According to Ibn Humayd — Salamah — Muhammad b. Ishaq —
1 1 944] 'Abdallah b. al-Fa<Jl b. al-'Abbas b. Rabi'ah — Sulayman b. Yasar
— 'Abdallah b. 'Umar:781 I heard a man crying out that day,
saying, "The black slave killed him."

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Talhah — 'Ubayd b.
'Umayr: Al-Rajjal was opposite Zayd b. al-Khattab, so when
their two battle lines drew near, Zayd said, "Oh Rajjal, God!
God! For by God, you have abandoned the faith. Truly what I
summon you to is nobler for you and greater for your present
life." But he refused; so the two drew [their swords]. Then al-
Rajjal and the zealous supporters of Musaylimah's cause among
the Banu Hanifah were killed; but [the enemy] encouraged one
another and each group attacked [those] in its vicinity, so that
the Muslims retreated as far as their camp. Then they fell upon
them, cutting the tent ropes, slashing them, and busying them¬
selves with the army. They struggled with Mujja'ah, intending
[to seize] Umm Tamim, but he protected her, saying, "How
excellent is the mistress of the tent!"

Zayd and Khalid and Abu Hudhayfah urged each other on and
the people backed them up with words.782 Now it was a day of
south wind with lots of dust, so Zayd said, "No, by God, I will
not speak today, until either we defeat them or I meet God so
that I may tell him of my devotion.783 Grit your teeth, oh

780. Wahshi b. Harb, an Abyssinian slave, was one of Mecca's blacks,- he was
famed for having killed the Prophet's uncle Hamzah at the battle of Uhud. Cf.
Ibn al-Athir, Usd , V, 83-84. Jubayr b. Mut'im, of the clan of Nawfal of Quraysh,
was a diplomat famed for his forbearance and firm, calm manner \hilm)-, he
embraced Islam relatively late, at the conquest of Mecca or just before. Cf. Ibn
al-Athir, Usd, I, 171-71.

781. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 364-65; Diyarbakri, II, 116; Nuwayri, 95.

781. Lit., "the people spoke," which is hardly clear. Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI,

149 considered "the people spoke" to be a "fairly unnecessary preparation" for
Zayd's statement, "I will not speak today."

783. Lit., "tell Him of my evidence ( hujjati )," i.e., make evident my devotion
to Him through my martyrdom.

Musaylimah the Liar and His Tribe

IZI

people, and strike your enemy and proceed straight ahead.” So
they did that, driving them back to their ranks until they made
retreat farther than they had advanced from their army [in
the first place].784 Zayd was killed. Thabit spoke, saying, "Oh
company of the Muslims, you are the party of God, and they are
the parties of Satan; glory is to God and to His Apostle and to
His parties. Advise me as I advise you.” Then he began striking [1945]
among them [with the whip] so that he drove them on. Abu
Hudhayfah said, ”Oh people of the Qur’an, ornament the
Qur’an with [your] deeds.” Then he drove them on until he
penetrated them. [Then] he was struck down. Khalid b. al-Walid
attacked, saying to his bodyguards, "Let no one approach me
from behind,” until [when] he was opposite Musaylimah, he
sought his opportunity and lay in wait for Musaylimah.

According to al-Sarx — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Mubashshir b. al-
Fudayl — Salim b. 'Abdallah: When Salim was given the battle
standard on that day, he said, "How acquainted I am with
the reason why you gave it to me! You said a bearer of the
Qur’an,785 and [that] he should stand fast just as the bearer of
it before him stood fast, unto death.” They replied, "Yes.” Then
they said, "Look how you should [do it].” At this he said, "What
a bad bearer of the Qur’an I would be if I did not stand fast!”

The standard bearer before him had been 'Abdallah b. Haf$ b.
Ghanim.786

According to 'Abdallah b. Sa'id b. Thabit and Ibn Ishaq:

When Mujja'ah said to the Banu Hanlfah, "Attack the men,”787
and after a group of the Muslims had incited one another to
fight, (Banu Hanifah) affected a show of generosity and all
the Muslims did likewise. Some of the companions of the the
Apostle of God made addresses. Zayd b. al-Khaftab said, "By
God, I shall not speak until I am victorious or until I am killed.

784. The Arabic phrase is awkward, but I believe it means this. Cf. Ibn
al-Athir, Kamil, II, 363, II. 15-16.

785. I.e., one who had memorized and could recite all or a large part of the
holy text.

786. Cf. pp. 105 and 115-16, above, and Balansi, 79, According to BalansI the
standard bearer had been Zayd b. al-Khattab.

787. See the earlier account in which this episode occurs, pp. 117-18, above.

12.2.

The Conquest of Arabia

Do as I do!" Then he attacked, and his companions attacked
(also). Thabit b. Qays said, "How bad is that to which you have
accustomed yourselves, oh company of Muslims! Now get away
from me,788 so that I can show you [how to] fight!" Zayd b.
al-Khaftab was killed.

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Mubashshir — Salim:789

[1946] When ‘Abdallah b. 'Umar returned [to ‘Umar], 'Umar said,
"Why weren't you killed before Zayd?790 Zayd has died and
you are still alive." Whereupon he replied, "I coveted that that
should come to pass, but my soul drew back, whereas God
honored him with martyrdom."

According to Sahl, ['Umar} said: "What brought you [back]
even though Zayd was killed? Why didn't you hide your face
from me?" ['Abdallah b. 'Umar] said, "He asked God for martyr¬
dom, and it was given to him. I strove that it should be sent to
me, but I was not granted it."

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Talhah b. al-A'lam —
'Ubayd b. 'Umayr:791 The Muhajirun and the An$ar accused the
people of the desert of cowardice, and the people of the desert
accused them of cowardice, saying to one another, "Organize
yourselves separately792 so that we may shun those who flee on
the day [of battle], and may know on the day [of battle] from
where we are approached [by the enemy]."793 So they did that.
The settled people said to the people of the desert, "We know
more about fighting settled people than you do." Whereupon the
people of the desert replied, "Settled people do not excel at
fighting, and do not know what war is; so you will see, when
you organize us separately, from where weakness comes." So
they organized separately. No day [of battle] more intense or

788. Hdkadha 'anni.

789. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 365-66.

790. Zayd was 'Umar's brother; 'Abdallah, 'Umar's son.

79r. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 363-64.

791. Here and in the following passages, imtaza, lit., "distinguish, dis¬
criminate." The subsequent passages make it clear that the idea was to place
members of particular groups together, so that the relative performance of each
group in battle would be more readily apparent.

793. I.e., so that we may know who has failed to hold the enemy confronting
him.

Musaylimah the Liar and His Tribe 123

greater in casualties was ever seen than that day. It was not
known which of the two groups inflicted heavier casualties {on
the enemy], but the wounded were more numerous among the
Muhajirun and the An§dr794 than they were among the people of
the desert, and those who survived were always in distress.795
Abd al-Rahman b. Abu Bakr796 shot al-Muhakkam with an [1947]
arrow, killing him while he was delivering a speech; where¬
upon he cut his throat. Zayd b. al-Khattab killed al-Rajjal b.
'Unfuwah.

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — al-Dahhak b. Yarbu' —
his father — a man of Banu Suhaym797 who witnessed [the battle]
with Khalid:798 The advantage on that day was sometimes
against the Muslims and sometimes against the unbelievers.

When the fighting became intense, Khalid said, "Oh people,
organize separately so that we may know the valor of each clan
and know from where we are approached [by the enemy]." So
the people of the settlements and of the desert organized them¬
selves separately; the tribes of the desert people and of the
settled people organized themselves separately, the descendants
of each ancestor standing behind their banner to fight together.

On that day the people of the desert said, "Now the killing will
grow intense among the weaker flock";799 then the killing did
become intense among the people of the settlements. Musay¬
limah stood firm, and he was in the eye of the storm;800 at
which Khalid realized that it would not abate except through the
death of Musaylimah, as long as the Banu Hanlfah took no heed
of the death of those who had been killed among them. There¬
upon Khalid came out against the enemy until, when he was
opposite the [enemy] line, he put out a challenge for single
combat and raised his lineage, saying, "I am the son of al-Walid

794. Ibn al-Athlr, Kamil, II, 364: among the Muhajirun, Ansar, and the
villagers.

795 . I.e., they were in the most intense fighting.

796. Cf. Ibn al-Athlr, Kamil, II, 365.

797. Probably Suhaym b. Murrah, a branch of Hanifah: Caskel, II, 516.

798. Cf. preceding account and Ibn al-Athlr, Kamil, II, 363-63; Nuwayri, 91.

799. Reading ajza', "flock,” with Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI, 149, Emendanda,
and Cairo, for the text's ajdha'.

800. Lit., "their mill turned around him.”

124

The Conquest of Arabia

the experienced,801 I am the son of 'Amir and Zayd," and he
shouted their battle slogan of that day. Their slogan that day was
"Oh Muhammad!" So he killed everyone who came out against
him in single combat. All the while he was reciting,

I am the son of chiefs, and my sword is the Vehement,
all the greater when rage overcomes you.

Whatever came out in single combat against him he defeated.
The Muslims fought intensely and effectively.802 Then, when
Khalid drew near to Musaylimah, he called out [to him]. Now
[1948] the Apostle of God had said, "With Musaylimah is a devil
that he does not disobey, and whenever (the devil) comes to him,
he foams [at the mouth] such that his cheeks are two gobs of
froth; (Musaylimah) never forms the intention of doing any good
thing, but (this devil) diverts him from it. So when you should
see this opening803 with him, seize the opportunity!"804 So
when Khalid drew near to (Musaylimah), he was searching
for that. He saw [Musaylimah] standing fast with the [battle]
swirling around him, and he knew that it would not cease unless
(Musaylimah) was killed. So he called to Musaylimah, searching
for his opening, upon which (Musaylimah) answered him. Then
(Khalid) showed Musaylimah some things he liked, saying, "If
we agree to half, then which half would you give us?"805 Now
when he was considering his answer, he had turned his face
away in seeking advice, but his devil for bade him to accept; so
he turned his face away [another] time because of that.806 Khalid
followed him closely on his mount to overtake him, so that he
retreated and [his followers] yielded. Then Khalid incited the
army, saying, "Here you are! Don't let them go!" They rode
closely after them, and routed them. As Musaylimah stood up
after the people had fled from him, some people said,807 "Where

801. Al-'awd, "the aged"; cf. Ibn Manzur, III, 3*1.

802. Lit., "The mill of the Muslims turned, and ground."

803. ‘Awiah, lit., "opening in the defenses of an enemy," or possibly,
"shameful thing."

804. Lit., "do not forgive him his error!"

805. A reference to Musaylimah's alleged offer to divide the earth with the
Prophet; cf. p. r33, below and p. 93, above.

806. The text of this sentence is awkward.

807. Cf. Diyarbakri, II, zi6; BalansI, 94.

Musaylimah the Liar and His Tribe

125

is what you used to promise us?" To which he replied, "Fight for
your own reputations!”

Al-Muhakkam808 cried, "Oh Banu Hanifah, the garden! the
garden!” Now Wahshi was coming upon Musaylimah while he
was foaming [at the mouth], barely able to stand and unthinking
from the fit [that had overtaken him], so he bared his lance on
him and killed him. The people stormed upon them [in] the
"garden of death” from its walls and gates, so that 10,000 fight¬
ing men809 were killed in the battle and the "garden of death.”

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Harun and Talhah —

'Amr b. Shu'ayb and Ibn Ishaq: After they had organized
themselves separately and had stood fast and Banu Hanifah
had retreated, the Muslims pursued them, killing them until
they got them to the "garden of death." Then they differed [in
opinion] regarding the killing of Musaylimah there; some say
that he was killed in it, whereupon (the Banu Hanifah) entered it
and (the Muslims) locked them in it and surrounded them.

Al-Bara’ b. Malik810 screamed, "Oh company of Muslims, lift
me onto the wall so that you may throw me onto them." So [1949]
they did that, with the result that, when they placed him on the
wall, he was thunderstruck at what he saw, and called out,

"Lower me [back] down.” Then he said, "Lift me up,” so they
did that again. Then out of fear he said, "Ugh to this!” and asked
to be lifted up again. Whereupon when they placed him upon the
wall, he leapt upon them to fight them by the gate, until he had
opened it for the Muslims, who were by the gate on the outside.

At this (the Muslims) entered [the garden]; then he locked the
gate upon them and threw the key over the wall. So they fought
more bitterly than has ever been seen. Those of them who were
in the garden perished after Musaylimah had been killed. Banu
Hanifah had said to him,811 "Where is what you used to promise
us?” To which he had replied, "Fight for your own reputations!”

808. Cf. Ibn al-Athlr, Kamil, II, 364; Nuwayri, 92.

809. That is, on the Muslim side.

810. Cf. p. 1 19, above; Diyarbakri, II, 214-15, who attributes this episode to
Abu Dajanah; BalansI, 87, another version; Ibn Hubaysh, 45, another version,- Ibn
Hubaysh, 46.

81 1. Cf. p. 125, above.

I 26

The Conquest of Arabia

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Harun and Talhah and
Ibn Ishaq: When someone cried out that the black slave had
killed Musaylimah, Khalid went out with Mujja'ah shackled in
irons to show him Musaylimah and the banners of his army. He
came across al-Rajjal and said, "This is al-Rajjal."

According to Ibn Humayd — Salamah — Ibn Ishaq:812 When the
Muslims had finished with Musaylimah, Khalid was approached
and informed [of this], so he went out, taking Mujja'ah in irons
with him in order to show him Musaylimah. Then he began to
show him the slain until he passed Muhakkam b. al-Tufayl — he
was a corpulent, comely man — whereupon Khalid said, "This is
your companion." He replied, "No, by God, this one is better
than he and more noble,- this is Muhakkam al-Yamamah."

Then813 Khalid continued showing him the slain until he
entered the garden, upon which he rummaged through the
bodies for him; then lo, there was a small, yellowish, flat-nosed
man, whereupon Mujja'ah said, "This is your companion,
whom you have finished off." So Khalid said to Mujja'ah,
"This is your companion, who did with you what he did." He
replied, "[So] it was, oh Khalid; but, by God,814 only the most
expeditious of the people came [against] you; the majority of the
[1950] people are [still] in the fortresses." At this Khalid said, "Woe
to you, what are you saying?" He replied, "By God, it is the
truth; so come on, let me conclude a treaty with you in exchange
for [the safety of] my tribe."

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — al-Pahhak — his father:
There was a man of the Banu 'Amir b. Hanifah, named al-
Aghlab b. Amir b. Hanifah, who had the thickest neck of
anyone of his time. When the polytheists had been defeated on
that day and the Muslims surrounded them, he pretended he
was dead. Then, when the Muslims were inspecting the slain,
a man of the Ansar named Abu Basirah and some people

812. Cf. Ibn al-Athlr, Kamil, II, 365; Diyarbakri, II, 217 bottom; BalansI, 104,
Nuwayrl, 93.

813. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 365; Diyarbakri, II, 218; Ibn Hubaysh, 54-55;
Baladhuri, Futuh, 104; Nuwayri, 93-94.

814. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 365; Ibn Hubaysh, 47, 55; Baladhuri, Futuh,
90; BalansI, 104-5.

Musaylimah the Liar and His Tribe

127

along with him came upon [al-Aghlab]. When they saw him
lying among the slain, taking him for dead, they said, "Oh Abu
Basirah, you are always claiming that your sword is exceedingly
sharp; so cut the head off this dead al-Aghlab. If you cut it off,
everything we have learned about your sword will be true." So
he unsheathed it and then strode toward him. Now they were
sure he was dead, but when (Abu Basirah) drew near him, (al-
Aghlab) sprang up to run away from him. Abu Basirah followed
him and began saying, "I am Abu Basirah al-Ansari!"815 Al-
Aghlab began to run quickly and the distance between them
only increased; every time Abu Basirah said that, al-Aghlab
would say, "What do you think of the running of your brother
the unbeliever?" until he escaped.816

According to al-Sari— Shu'ayb— Sayf— Sahl b. Yusuf— al-
Qasim b. Muhammad:817 When Khalid had finished with
Musaylimah and the army, 'Abdallah b. 'Umar and 'Abd al-
Rahman b. Abi Bakr said to him, "March with us and the army
to encamp against the fortresses." But he replied, "Let me [first]
deploy the cavalry in order to catch those who were not in the
fortresses; then I will see [what] my opinion [is]." Thereupon
he deployed the cavalry, so that they rounded up what they
found of livestock818 and women and children, and attached
this819 to the army. He ordered a march to encamp against the [1
fortresses, so Mujja'ah said to him,820 "By God, only the most
expeditious of the people came [against] you, and the fortresses
are full of men. So come on, make a truce with my following."

So he made a truce with him including everything short of
[their] persons. Then he said, "I will go out to them to ask their
advice, and we will look into this matter; then I will return
to you." So Mujja'ah entered the fortresses, in which were

815. The pre-Islamic Arabs customarily identified themselves to their
enemies in the course of battle, often as a form of boasting: "I am so-and-so, take
this blow!" (E. Landau-Tasseron, personal communication).

816. Cf. Ibn Durayd, Al-Ishtiqaq, 184, for a slightly different version and a
Muhajir as the hero.

817. Cf. Diyarbakrl, II, 218.

8r8. mab, perhaps, "property."

819. Cf. Manuscript B and Nuwayri, 94: "attached them."

820. Cf. p. 126, above, and references there.

128

The Conquest of Arabia

nothing but women and children and worn-out elders and weak
men. So he dressed the women in iron breastplates and ordered
them to let down their hair821 and to make themselves visible
from the tops of the fortresses until he should return to them.
Then he went back and came to Khalid, saying, "They have
refused to permit what I arranged. Some of them had a com¬
manding view of you, in opposing me.822 They [will] have
nothing to do with me." At this, Khalid looked at the peaks of
the fortresses, which had become black.823 Now the war had
worn the Muslims down, and the encounter had become drawn
out, and they yearned to return in triumph, and did not know
what might happen if there were in [the fortresses] men and
fighting. There had been killed on that day 360 of the Muhajirun
and Ansar of the people of the chief city of Medina.

According to Sahl:824 Of the Muhajirun not of the people of
Medina, and of the children of companions [of the Prophet],825
300 of the former and 300 of the latter [were killed, totaling] 600
or more. Thabit b. Qays was killed on that day. A man of the
polytheists killed him; his foot was cut off, so his killer threw it
2] and killed him.826 Of Banu Hanxfah were killed in the plain
at Aqraba’ 7,000, and 7,000 in the "garden of death," and in
pursuit something like that [number]. Pirar b. al-Azwar said
regarding the battle day of al-Yamamah:827

821. Presumably young men (e.g., warriors) wore their hair long and flowing,
whereas women and older men had their hair bound up and covered.

822. Mujja'ah suggests that the people in the fortress could see the strength of
Khalid 's forces, and implies that they rejected Khalid's offer because they were
not intimidated by his forces.

823. I.e., with people.

824. The text of the following paragraph— especially the numbers— is
confused. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 365: "360 of Muhajirun and Ansar of the
people of Medina had been killed, and of the Muhajirun of places other than
Medina, |another) 360."

825. al-tabi'un bi-ihsan, lit., "those who follow in good works," refers to the
offspring of the Muhajirun, Ansar, and other "companions of the Prophet"
( sahaba ).

' 826. Cairo and Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, has "his foot was cut off, so Thabit took it
and beat (the attacker) with it until he killed him."

827. Cf. Ibn Hubaysh, 65, which has verses 1, 3, 4, and 5, as well as four
additional verses.

Musaylimah the Liar and His Tribe

1Z9

If the south wind were asked about us, it would tell;

in the evening Aqraba’ and Malham828 flowed.

And it flowed in the side branches of the watercourse, so that its
rocks

dribbled in it from the people with blood.

In the evening, the spear is not satisfied with its place,

nor the arrows, except the bone-cleaving Mashrafi829 sword.

So if you seek unbelievers free of blame,

[oh) south wind, indeed I am a follower of the faith, a
Muslim.

I strive830 [in God's way), because striving [jihad) is [itself)
booty, and God knows best the man who strives.

According to Ibn Humayd — Salamah — Ibn Ishaq:831 Mujja'ah
said what he did to Khalid because he had told him, 'Come on,
so that I conclude a treaty with you in exchange for [the safety
of] my tribe," [saying this] to a man whom the war had ex¬
hausted, and with whom many leaders of the people had been
struck down. He had weakened, and yearned for rest and truce.

So he said, "Come on, so that I may reconcile you," and then
made a truce with (Khalid) on condition [of paying) gold, silver,
suits of mail, and half the captives. Then he said, "I shall
go to the tribe to present them what I have arranged." So he [1953]
went out to them and said to the women, "Put on the armor and
then make yourselves visible from atop the fortresses." So they
did that; then he returned to Khalid. Now Khalid thought that
what he had seen on the fortresses, wearing armor, were men, so
when (Mujja'ah) got to Khalid he said, "They rejected [the
conditions] upon which I made a truce with you. But if you
wish, I will arrange something and then entreat the tribe [to
accept it]." (Khalid) said, "What is it?" He replied, "That you
should take from me one quarter of the captives, and let a

82.8. A fortified village m a date-palm oasis, ca. 75 km northwest of Hajr:
Thilo, s.v.; Yaqut, s.v.; TAVO B VII 1. Ibn Hubaysh reads "in the evening
'Aqraba’ flowed with blood."

829. So called because they were made in the highlands ( masharif) of Syria or
Yemen. Cf. Lane, Arabic- English Lexicon, IV, 1537 and 1539.

830. Ibn Hubaysh: we strive.

831. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 365,- Diyarbakri, II, 218; Nuwayri, 94.

13°

The Conquest of Arabia

quarter of them go.”832 Khalid said, "Done,” and (Mujja'ah)
said, "Agreed, then." Subsequently, after the two of them were
finished, the fortresses were opened and io! there was no one
in them but women and children. Whereupon Khalid said to
Mujja'ah, "Woe to you! You deceived me!" He replied, "[They
were] my own kinsmen, I had to do what I did."

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Sahl b. Yusuf:833 The
second [thing] Mujja'ah said on that day [was], "If you wish to
accept from me half the captives and [all] the gold and silver and
suits of mail and the horses, I shall entreat [my tribe to accept],
and will draw up a truce between me and you." So Khalid did
that, making an agreement with him on condition of [payment
of] the gold, silver, suits of mail, and horses, and of half the
captives, and of a garden of Khalid's choice in every settlement
and of a farm of Khalid's choice; whereupon they concluded the
truce mutually on those terms. Then he released him and said,
"You834 have three [days] to choose: by God, if you do not
complete and accept I shall attack you; then I shall never accept
from you any terms except death." So Mujja'ah came to them
and said, "Accept for now." But835 Salamah b. 'Umayr al-Hanafi
replied, "No, by God, we shall not accept. We shall send to
[1954] people of settlements and to slaves [for reinforcement], and
we shall fight and not make terms with Khalid. For the fortresses
are strong and the food plentiful, and winter has come." So
Mujja'ah said, "You are an unlucky man, and you are kidding
yourself; [in fact] I deceived the people836 so that they would
agree with me in the truce. Does there remain among you
anyone worth anything or who has any [power of] resistance
[left]? I went ahead of you [in making the truce] only [to act]
before what Shurahbil b. Musaylimah said should befall you."837

So Mujja'ah went out as the seventh of seven [men] until he
came to Khalid and said, after he had affirmed what they had

83a. I.e., an additional quarter?

833. Cf. Ibn Hubaysh, 47, 55; Nuwayri, 94-95.

834. The pronoun is plural, indicating that Khalid is addressing these words to
Mujja'ah's tribe, not to Mujja'ah himself.

835. Cf. Ibn Hubaysh, 55-56; Balansi, 107.

836. I.e., the Muslims.

837. Cf. p. 115, above, for Shurahbil's warning.

Musaylimah the Liar and His Tribe 1 3 1

approved, "Write your document." So he wrote: "This is what
Khalid b. al-Walid made a truce with Mujja'ah b. Murarah and
Salamah b. 'Umayr and So-and-so and So-and-so about: he
bound them to [payment of] gold, silver, half the captives, suits
of mail, horses, a garden in every village, and a farm on con¬
dition that they embrace Islam.838 Then you will be secure in
God's safety,- you will have the protection of Khalid b. al-Walid
and the protection of Abu Bakr, successor of the Apostle of God,
and the protections of the Muslims in good faith."

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Talhah — 'Ikrimah —

Ibn Hurayrah: When Khalid made a truce with Mujja'ah, he did
so on [condition of payment of] gold, silver, coats of mail, and
every garden that pleased us in every district, and half of those
enslaved;839 but they rejected that, so Khalid said, "You have
three days to decide." Then Salamah b. 'Umayr said, "Oh Banu
Hanifah, fight for your reputations and do not make a truce on
any terms, for the fortress is strong, the food plentiful, and
winter has come." To this Mujja'ah replied, "Oh Banu Hanifah,
obey me and defy Salamah— for he is an unlucky man — before
[the fate] of which Shurahbll b. Musaylimah spoke befalls [1955]
you, before the women are carried off against their will on the
backs of horses and are taken to wife without being demanded in
marriage."840 So they obeyed him and renounced Salamah, and
accepted his decision.

Now841 Abu Bakr had sent Salamah b. Salamah b. Waqsh842
with a letter to Khalid, ordering him, if God had given him
victory, to execute everyone of Banu Hanifah over who[se face] a
razor had passed. So he arrived, but found that [Khalid] had
concluded a truce with them. Then Khalid observed [the truce]
for them and kept to (the terms] that were in it. Banu Hanifah
were made to congregate before Khalid for the oath of allegiance
and to renounce what they had formerly done. Khalid843 was in

838. Or: "on condition that they submit."

839. al-mamlukin, i.e., the captives of war.

840. Cf. p. 115, and note 751, above.

841. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 365; Ibn Hubaysh, 56; Balansi, 108.

842. An early Medinan convert to Islam from the Aws tribe; later appointed
governor of al-Yamamah by 'Umar: Caskel, II, 505; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, II, 336-37.

843. Cf. Balansi, 113-14.

132

The Conquest of Arabia

his camp, so when they gathered, Salamah b. 'Umayr said to
Mujja'ah, "Ask permission for me to have an audience with
Khalid, so that I may speak to him about a matter of mine that
concerns him and for advice"; but he had resolved to assassinate
him. So [Mujja'ah] spoke to him so that he gave him per¬
mission [to enter],- then844 Salamah b. 'Umayr approached with
the sword hidden in his clothing, intending [to carry out] what
he wished. At this, [Khalid] said, "Who is this approaching?"
Mujja'ah replied, "This is the one I spoke to you about, to
whom you gave permission [to enter]." Khalid said, "Get him
away from me!" So they expelled him from (Khalid's) presence;
then they searched him and found the sword on him, whereupon
they cursed and vilified him and tied him up. They said, "You
wanted to destroy your tribe, by God! You wanted nothing less
than that Banu Hanifah be extirpated and [their] children and
women be captive, by God! If Khalid had known that you carried
weapons, he would have killed you. We are not free from fear
that, if he learns of it, he may yet kill the men and take the
women captive for what you did, reckoning that it was done in
[1956] consultation with us." So they bound him and put him in the
fortress. Banu Hanifah continued to make their renunciation of
what they had previously done and to make their conversion to
Islam. Salamah promised them that he would do nothing else if
they would forgive him, but they refused, for they did not feel
safe accepting a promise from him on account of his stupidity.
Then one night he escaped and headed for the camp of Khalid; so
the guards cried out to him. Banu Hanifah were terrified and
pursued him. They caught up with him in one of the gardens,
whereupon he attacked them with his sword; so they surrounded
him in the rocks. He passed the sword around his own throat,
cutting his jugular veins. Then he fell into a well and died.

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — al-Dahhak b. Yarbu' —
his father: Khalid concluded a treaty with all of Banu Hanifah
except those who were in al-'Ird and al-Qurayyah;845 they were

844. Cf. Ibn Hubaysh, 57-58.

845. Al-'Ird (Wadi Hanifah) was the fertile main valley of the Yamamah
district. Al-Qurayyah was an oasis village ca. 60 km northwest of Hajr. Cf.
Yaqut, s.W; Thilo, s.vv; TAVO B VII 1.

Musaylimah the Liar and His Tribe

133

taken captive when the raiding parties were sent out. So he sent
to Abu Bakr 500 [persons] of those who had undergone the
division [of booty] from al-'Ird and al-Qurayyah, of the Banu
Hanifah or Qays b. Tha'labah or Yashkur.846

According to Ibn Humayd — Salamah — Muhammad b. Ishaq:847
Then Khalid said to Mujja'ah, "Give me your daughter in
marriage." At this, Mujja'ah said to him, "Take your time. You
are destroying my reputation, and with mine, yours, in [the eyes
of] your leader." [But Khalid] said, "Marry [her] to me, man!" so
he did. News of that reached Abu Bakr, whereupon he wrote
him a bloodcurdling letter:848 "Upon my life, oh son of Khalid's
mother, are you so free as to marry women, while in the court of
your house is the blood of i,zoo men of the Muslims that has
not yet dried?" When Khalid looked into the letter he began to
say, "This is the work of the little left-handed man," meaning
'Umar b. al-Khattab. Now Khalid b. al-Walid had sent a
delegation of Banu Hanifah to Abu Bakr. They came before him,
so Abu Bakr said to them, "Woe to you! What made you do [1957}
what you did?"849 They replied, "Oh successor of the Apostle of
God, what you learned about what befell us was a man, upon
whom and upon whose tribe God bestowed no blessing." He
responded to that, "What was it that attracted you to him?"

They said, "He used to say, 850 'Oh frog, croak, croak, you do not
bar the one drinking, nor do you make the water turbid; to us851
half the earth, and to Quraysh half the earth, but Quraysh is a
tribe that commits aggression.'" Abu Bakr said, "May God be
exalted and woe to you! This talk comes neither from sacredness
nor from piety, so where does it get you?"

When852 Khalid b. al-Walid was done with al-Yamamah, his

846. Both Qays and Yashkur were tribes of the Bakr b. Wa’il group,
genealogically related to Hanifah, who lived near al-Yamamah. Cf. Donner,
"Bakr," 17-18.

847. Cf. Diyarbakri, II, 118 bottom; Ibn Hubaysh, 5 6} BalansI, 109; Nuwayri,
96.

848. Lit., "a letter dripping blood."

849. Lit., "What is this that made slip from you what slipped?"

850. Cf. p. 109, above.

851. Cf. BalansI, 57, ti8.

851. Cf. Nuwayri, 97.

134

The Conquest of Arabia

camp in which he used to meet people was Ubad, one of the
watercourses of al-Yamamah. Then he moved to one of its
watercourses called al-Wabar,853 and it became his camp in it.

The People of al-Bahrayn, the Apostasy of al-Hutam,
and Those Who joined with Him in al-Bahrayn

Abu Ja'far said: Among the things we learned about the people
of al-Bahrayn and the apostasy of those who apostatized among
them is the foldowing:

According to 'Ubaydallah b. Sa'd — his uncle Ya'qub b. Ibra-
[1958] him — Sayf:854 Al-'Ala’ b. al-Hadraml went out toward al-Bah¬
rayn. Part of the story of al-Bahrayn was that the Prophet
and al-Mundhir b. Saw! fell ill in one and the same month;
subsequently al-Mundhir died a little after the Prophet, and the
people of al-Bahrayn apostatized after [his death]. As for 'Abd
al-Qays,855 they returned [to the fold]; but Bakr856 persisted in
their apostasy. The one who persuaded 'Abd al-Qays to turn
back was al- Jarud. 857

According to 'Ubaydallah — his uncle — Sayf — Isma'il b. Mus¬
lim — al-Hasan b. Abi al-Hasan:858 Al-Jarud b. al-Mu'alla came
to the Prophet, seeking him out, so he said, "Embrace Islam, oh
Jarud!" But Jarud answered, "I [already] have a religion."859 The
Prophet replied to him, "Oh Jarud, your religion is really nothing;
it is not a religion." So Jarud said to him, "And if I were to
embrace Islam, then whatever consequence [that might have] in

853. Yaqut has "Wabarah," a village of al-Yamamah; Hamdani, 102, has
"Wabrah."

854. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 368; Nuwayri, 99- ioo; cf. note 53, above.

855. A major tribe of eastern Arabia, partly settled and partly nomadic,
centered in the island Uwal (modern Bahrayn) and Qatif on the coast. See El2,
s.v. "'Abd al-Kays" (S. M. Stern).

856. I.e., the Bakr b. Wa’il tribes; the rebel al-Hutam was of a Bakr! tribe, Qays
b. Tha'laba (cf. p. 137, below).

857. Bishr "al-Jarud" b. al-Mu'alla was a Christian of 'Abd al-Qays who came
to the Prophet in ah 10 and embraced Islam. His name is given variously. Cf.
p. 137, below; Caskel, II, 227, s.v. "Bishr b. 'Amr al-Jarud"; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, I,
260-61.

858. Cf. Nuwayri, 99.

859. Din.

The People of al-Bahrayn . . .

i35

Islam would be your responsibility?"860 (The Prophet) replied
that it was so. So he embraced Islam and remained in Medina
until he became learned [in the faith]. Then, when he wanted to
leave, he said, "Oh Apostle of God, can we find among one of
you camels on which we might reach [our destination]?" He
replied, "We have no camels." He said, "Oh Apostle of God,

I shall find on the road some of these strays." (Muhammad)
replied, "They are the burning of hellfire; beware of them!"861

When862 (al-Jarud) came to his people, he invited them to
Islam, whereupon they all responded to him. Then it was only a
short time before the Prophet died and they apostatized; Abd
al-Qays said, "If Muhammad had been a prophet, he would not
have died," and they apostatized. (Al-Jarud) learned of that, so he
sent to them to gather them together; then he stood up to
address them, saying, "Oh company of Abd al-Qays! I shall
question you about things, so tell me about them if you know
about them, and do not respond if you do not know." They [1959]
replied, "Ask about whatever crosses your mind." He said, "Do
you know that, in the past, God had prophets?" They said,

"Yes." He went on, "[And] do you know it [from what you have
learned from others], or have you seen it [with your own eyes]?"

They said, "No, rather we know it [from others]." He continued,

"Then what became of them?" They replied, "They died." He
said, "In truth, Muhammad has died just as they died, and I bear
witness that there is no god but God and that Muhammad is His
Servant and His Apostle." They said, "And we [also] bear wit¬
ness that there is no god but God and that Muhammad is His
Servant and His Apostle, and that you are our chief and the best
of us." So they stood firm in their Islam, and did not extend

860. Fama kdna min tabi'atin fi al-isldm fa-'alayka. Cf. Wellhausen, Skizzen,
VI, 149.

86 1. According to Lane, Arabic- English Lexicon, II, 551 col. 3, this refers to
the tradition stating that "the stray animals of the believer are a cause of the
burning of hellfire," i.e., that anyone taking possession of the Muslims’ stray
beasts is m danger of hellfire. Hence m the preceding sentences, one must
assume that the Prophet is stating only that there were no riding camels actually
in the town at the moment, the Muslims' extra mounts being allowed to roam
freely in the surroundings of Medina.

86z. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 368; BalansI, 136-37; Caetani, 584-83.

136

The Conquest of Arabia

[their hands in evil to anyone), nor was [an evil hand] extended
toward them; they did not get involved between the rest of
Rabi'ah,863 on the one hand, and al-Mundhir864 and the Muslims,
on the other. Al-Mundhir was busy with them [for the rest
of] his life; then, after al-Mundhir died, his companions were
besieged in two places until al-'Ala' saved them.

Abu Ja'far said: as for Ibn Ishaq, he said the following about
that, according to Ibn Humayd— Salamah — Ibn Ishaq: When
Khalid b. al-Walld was finished with al-Yamamah, Abu Bakr
sent al-'Ala’ b. al-Hadraml. Al-Ala’ was the one whom the
Apostle of God had sent to al-Mundhir b. Saw! al-'Abdi, with
the result that al-Mundhir embraced Islam. So al-'Ala’ stayed
with them as commander for the Apostle of God. Then al-
Mundhir b. Saw! died in al-Bahrayn after the death of the
Apostle of God. Now 'Amr b. al-'As was in 'Uman, the
Apostle of God passing away while 'Amr was there, whereupon
'Amr approached, passing by al-Mundhir b. Sawi while he
was on the point of death. So ('Amr) visited him, so that al-
Mundhir said to him, "How much of his property did the
[i960] Apostle of God assign to the dying person865 of the Muslims
at the time of his death?" 'Amr replied, "He used to stipulate a
third." He said, "Then what do you advise me to do with a third
of my property?" 'Amr replied, "If you wish, you may divide it
among your close kinsmen, assigning it by way of welfare; or, if
you wish, you may grant it as sadaqah , thereby assigning it as
an inviolable grant of alms that will be paid after you to those
upon whom you bestowed it." [Al-Mundhir] said, "I would not
like to make my property into something restricted, like the
bahirah, the saibah, the wasllah, and the haml,866 rather, I
shall divide it and transmit it to those to whom I bequeath it,

863. 'Abd al-Qays was classified genealogically as part of Rabi'ah b. Nizar.

864. I.e., al-Mundhir b. Sawi of 'Abd al-Qays.

865. Lit., "the dead person." The question involves how much of his property
the dying person was allowed to distribute to heirs of his choice.

866. Cf. Qur'an 5:103. The words refer to four types of camels which, for
various reasons, it had been prohibited during the jdhiliyyah to ride, to milk, to
eat their flesh, to restrict in grazing, etc. These customs were prohibited by
Islam. For the details, see Lane, Arabic-English Lexicon, I, 187 (s.v. bahirah ); IV,
1481 (s.v. sd’ibah); II, 65 z (s.v. hami), and Ibn Manzur, II, 729 (s.v. wasilah ).

The People of al-Bahrayn . . .

i37

that they may do with it as they please." So 'Amr used to
marvel because of what he said.

Rabi'ah867 apostatized in al-Bahrayn among those Arabs868
who apostatized, except for al-Jarud b. 'Amr b. Hanash b. al-
Mu'alla, who stood firm in Islam along with those of his tribe
who were with him. When he learned of the death of the Apostle
of God and of the apostasy of the Arabs, he stood up and said, "I
bear witness that there is no god but God; and I bear witness
that Muhammad is His Servant and His Apostle; and I declare
those who do not [so| bear witness to be unbelievers." Rabi'ah
gathered in al-Bahrayn and apostatized, saying, "Let us return
the kingship869 to the family of al-Mundhir."870 So they pro¬
claimed al-Mundhir b. al-Nu'man b. al-Mundhir to be king.

He871 used to be called al-Gharur ("the deceiver"); but when he
had come to embrace Islam, and the people had embraced Islam
and the sword had subdued them, he used to say, "I was not the
deceiver, I was the deceived."

According to 'Ubaydallah b. Sa'd — his uncle — Sayf — Isma'Il
b. Muslim — 'Umayr b. Fulan al-'Abdl:872 After the Prophet died,
al-Hutam b. Dubay'ah, a tribesman of Banu Qays b. Tha'labah, [1961]
rebelled with those of Bakr b. Wa’il who followed him into
apostasy, and with nonapostates who were still unbelievers who
gathered 'round him, until he alighted at al-Qatlf873 and Hajar.

He stirred up al-Khatt874 and those Zutt and Sababijah875 in it to

867. Cf. Ibn Hubaysh, 73; IsfahanI, XIV, 46; Nuwayri, 100.

868. Here and below, possibly "nomads."

869. Ibn Hubaysh; "the kingship has returned - "

870. Presumably the Lakhmids of al-HIrah, the most prominent of whom,
al-Mundhir III (ruled a d 503-554) is referred to here,- the last Lakhmid king was
al-Nu'man b. al-Mundhir (IV), ruled 580-602, whose son is mentioned in the
next sentence. Cf. El2, s.v. "Lakhmids" (I. Shahid); Wathlmah, 14/66.

871. Cf. p. 146, below, with different opinion on the name; Ibn al-Athir,
Kamil, II, 368; Baladhuri, Futiih, 84; Balansi, 145-46.

871. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 368-69; Isfahan!, XIV, 46; Baladhuri, Futuh,
83; Nuwayri, ioo-rox. Cf. note 53, above.

873. Large oasis on Persian Gulf coast, possibly the ancient Gerrha. Cf. El1,
s.v. "Al-Kapf" (G- Rentz).

874. The east Arabian coastal strip in Bahrayn and 'Uman; cf. Yaqut, s.v.; El2,
s.v. "Al-Khaft" (A. Grohmann); Wustenfeld, 181.

875. Text has "Sayabijah." The Zutt and Sababijah were people of Indian
origin who had settled around the Persian Gulf littoral (and later in Basrah); cf.

I3»

The Conquest of Arabia

rebel, and sent an army to Darin.876 So they rose up on (al-
Hutam's) behalf, in order to put 'Abd al-Qays between him and
them. ('Abd al-Qays) was opposed to (these rebels), reinforcing
al-Mundhir877 and the Muslims. And (al-Hutam) sent to al-
Gharur b. Suwayd,878 brother of al-Nu'man b. al-Mundhir, and
dispatched him to Juwatha,879 saying, "Stand fast, for if I am
victorious I shall make you king in al-Bahrayn, so that you may
be like al-Nu'man in al-HIrah." He sent880 to Juwatha; then he
besieged (the Muslims) and pressed them, so that the siege
became intense upon them. Among the besieged Muslims was
one of their righteous men, called 'Abdallah b. Hadhaf, one of
the Banu 'Abu Bakr b.Kilab.881 Now he and they were extremely
[1962] hungry, so that they were on the verge of dying. About that
'Abdallah b. Hadhaf said,882

Make a messenger reach Abu Bakr

and all the young men of Medina.883
Do you want to come to the aid of the noble tribe,884
sitting in Juwatha, besieged?

[It is] as if their blood [is] on every path

[like] the rays of the sun, bedazzling those who watch.

We relied on the Merciful One;885 Indeed

we found that forbearance [is] for those who rely [on Him].886

Manzur, II, 194 and VII, 308; Baladhuri, Futuh, 162 ("Sayabijah"); Pellat, Milieu
basrien, 40-41.

876. A small island with port off the Arabian coast near al-Qatif. Cf. Thilo,
s.v.

877. l.e., al-Mundhir b. Sawi.

878. Cf. Isfahan!, XIV, 46 and 48 on his name.

879. Citadel of 'Abd al-Qays in al-Khatt. Cf. Thilo, s.v.; Yaqut, s.v.;
Wiistenfeld, 176, 178, 181.

880. Ba’atha-, one expects something like dhahaba, "he went."

881. A branch of the Kilab of 'Amir b. Sa'sa'ah; cf. Caskel, I, Table 94 and II,
222.

882. Cf. Ibn Hubaysh, 71; Balansi, 139; Isfahan!, XIV, 46-47. Wathimah,
25/67-68 drops verse 3, and adds after the last verse here: "We said: we were
content with God as Lord/and with Islam as a religion we were content."

883. Ibn Hubaysh and Balansi: "and all the residents of Medina."

884. Balansi: of a small troop.

885. al-rahmdn.

886. Ibn Hubaysh: "profit [is] for those . . Balansi, Wathimah, Ibn al-Athlr,
II, 369 and Isfahan!, XIV, 47: "victory |is] for those . . . ."

The People of al-Bahrayn . . .

139

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — al-$a'b b. 'Atiyyah
b. Bilal — Sahm b. Minjab — Minjab b. Rashid:887 Abu Bakr sent
al-'Ala’ b. al-Hadramx to be in charge of fighting the apostates
in al-Bahrayn. So when he approached it and was opposite al-
Yamamah, Thumamah b. Uthal joined him with the Muslims of
Banu Hanifah, from Banu Suhaym888 and from the people of the
settlements of the rest of Banu Hanifah; he had been waiting
in uncertain expectation. (Abu Bakr) had dispatched 'Ikrimah
to 'Uman and then to Mahrah, and he had ordered Shurahbil [1963)
to remain where he was until Abu Bakr's order should reach
him, then [to go to] Dumah889 to raid the apostates of Quda'ah
with 'Amr b. al-'As. As for 'Amr b. al-'As, he was raiding Sa'd
and Bali;890 and he ordered this one to (march against] Kalb,
and mixed groups joined to them. Then, when (al-Ala’ b. al-
Hadrami) drew near us891 while we were in the high part of the
country, there was no one of al-Ribab or 'Amr b. Tamim who
had a horse who did not lead (his horse) beside him, going out to
receive (al-'Ala’). As for Banu Hanzalah, they played for time.

Malik b. Nuwayrah was in al-Butah with groups with whom
we contended,892 and Waki' b. Malik was in al-Qar'a’893 with
groups that contended with 'Amr.894 As for Sa'd b. Zayd Manat,

887. Cf. pp. 76-86, above; Ibn al-Athlr, Kamil, II, 369, Isfahan!, XIV, 47;
Nuwayri, ioi.

888. Suhaym b. Murrah, a branch of Hanifah, lived in the oases of al-Jaww,
Malham, and Qurran, cf. Caskel, II, 516.

889. Dumat al-Jandal, a town in northern Najd, modern al-Jawf. Text is
awkward; Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI, 149, wanted to delete Dumah; editor, on
basis of comparison with Tabari, I, 1083, wanted to retain it.

890. I.e., the tribes of Sa'd Hudhaym b. Zayd and Ball, both of the northern
Hijaz, or Sa'd Allah of Ball and the rest of the tribe? Cf. Donner, Conquests
102-5.

891. The narrator, Minjab b. Rashid, was of Banu Dabbah, part of the
confederation of al-Ribab, closely connected with Tamim, cf. Caskel, I, Table 90
and II, 408.

892. Cf. p. 53, above: Khalid b. al-Walid is ordered to move against Malik b.
Nuwayrah at Butah. The narrator now portrays himself and his group, al-Ribab,
as part of the Muslims.

893. A stop on the Mecca-Kufa road near the fringes of Iraq, in northernmost
Arabia; cf. Yaqut, s.v.

894. The identity of the 'Amr is unclear. E. Landau-Tasseron (personal
communication) suggests that he cannot be 'Amr b. al-'A?, but might be 'Amr b.
al-Ahtam, on whom see note 631, above.

140 The Conquest of Arabia

they were two divisions: 'Awf and the Abna’ obeyed al-Zibriqan
b. Badr, standing firm in their Islam; they were free of fault and
defended it. The Muqa'is and the Butun [on the other hand]
listened but did not comply, except for those with Qays b.
'Asim, for he divided the sadaqah taxes that had been gathered
to him among the Muqa'is and the Butun when al-Zibriqan
marched895 with the sadaqah taxes of 'Awf and the Abna’. 'Awf
and the Abna’ were occupied [in fighting] with the Muqa'is and
the Butun, but when Qays b. 'Asim saw how al-Ribab and 'Amr
[b. Tamlm] had received al-'Ala’, he regretted his earlier hasty
actions; whereupon he received al-'Ala’ by making ready what
he had divided from the sadaqah taxes. He shunned the busi¬
ness he had been involved in [before] and drove [the sadaqah
camels] so that they reached him.896 [Then Qays] went out with
(al-'Ala’) to fight the people of al-Bahrayn. He recited poetry
[1964] about that, as did al-Zibriqan about his sadaqah tax when he
sent it to Abu Bakr. Al-Zibriqan said about that:

I paid in full the several camels [due to] the Apostle, when
[other] collectors of sadaqah tax had refused,
and not a camel had been returned [to him] by its trustee.897
Together we defended (the tax) from all the people;

the enemy's shooting at [it while it is with] us does not
harm it.

So I paid it, in order not to betray my covenant —

lean camels, their backs not [yet] broken in for riding.

By doing so I sought piety and the glory of its reputation,

[against a time] when the boastful [man] of a company vies
with my kind.

In truth I am from a clan which, when their efforts898 are
reckoned,

their living and their dead899 see glory in it.

Neither their young nor their old have been humbled,
they are firmly anchored and their breasts are pure.

895. I.e., marched to Abu Bakr.

896. I.e., reached al-'Ala’.

897. Cf. p. 86, above.

898. Sa'yu-hum-, Kos has sha'bu-hum, "their people."

899. Lit., "their living and their graves."

The People of al-Bahrayn . . .

141

I claimed my due from an ungrateful clan;

their barking and mewing did not turn my sword back.

For God, I have entered [the domain] of kings, and many a
knight

I speared whenever the cavalry's raiding became intense.

So I broke through their front line900 with a bloody thrust, [1965]

in such a way that he who wished for life injures it.901
Many a spectacle of bravery902 have I borne witness to, not
idle in it; but today its fate is turned away.

I see my fear of the enemies as [a kind of] daring;

we weep903 whenever the inmost thought of the soul is
exposed.

Qays said, upon bringing the sadaqah tax to al-'Ala’:

Send Quraysh a letter from me, you two,

when proofs of the payments have reached them.

Many a time, over the ages, have I brought them to the sides of a
well,

driving every covetous man of evil conduct to despair [of
seizing] them.

I found904 that my father and maternal uncle were safe

in a plain in which those whom I fended off did not alight.

So al-'Ala’ honored him. There905 went out with al-'Ala’ as
many [men] from 'Amr and Sa'd and al-Ribab as [there were
regular troops in] his army. He crossed the Dahna’906 with us
until when we were in the heart of it, with the whistling hills
and sighing dunes to the right and left, and God wished to show
us his signs. (Al-'Ala’) dismounted and ordered the people to [1966]

900. Lit., "I opened her first one."

901. I.e., the one who flees to save his life damages his reputation by fleeing.
901. Reading mashhad sadq for the text's mashhad sidq ■, cf. Ibn Man?ur, X,

196, for sadq as "bravery." Or, perhaps, something like "moment of truth?"

903. Reading with Manuscript C, rather than "he weeps" in the text and
Cairo.

904. Reading with Cairo, for the text's "I gave generously to - "

905. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 369-70; Isfahan!, XIV, 47; Nuwayri, 101-3.

906. A long, narrow stretch of sand desert in east -central Arabia, separating
al-Yamamah from Bahrayn. Cf. El2, "al-Dahna’" (C. D. Matthews).

142.

The Conquest of Arabia

dismount, whereupon the camels bolted from fright in the
depths of the night, so that there remained with us neither
camel, nor provisions, nor a water bag, nor a tent, unless he
came upon it in the middle of the sands, that [happening] when
the army had dismounted but before they had unpacked [the
camels]. I have not known a group that was so beset by anxiety
as we were, one of us appointing another his executor.907 The
herald of al-'Ala’ cried out, ''Assemble!" So we gathered to
him; then he said, "What is this that has appeared among you
and overcome you?" Whereupon the people answered, "How can
we be blamed, [seeing that] even if we reach the morrow, the sun
will not have waxed hot before we will have become [the subject
of] a story?"908 But he replied, "Oh people, do not be afraid. Are
you not Muslims? Are you not on the path of God? Are you not
the helpers of God?909 They said, "Indeed." He went on, "Then
rejoice, for by God, He will not forsake someone in a situation
like yours." The herald called for the morning prayer when the
dawn arose, some of us doing our ablutions with sand and others
still being in a state of ritual purity.910 After he had performed
his prayer, he assumed a kneeling position and the people
kneeled; then he exerted himself in praying, and they with
him. Whereupon a mirage of the sun [as if reflecting off water)
shimmered for them, so he turned to the row [of people] and
said, "A scout to see what this is!" So (the scout) did so; sub¬
sequently he returned saying, "[It is] a mirage." Whereupon he
occupied himself [again] with praying. Then it shimmered for
them again, but the same thing happened. Then it shimmered
for them a final time, whereupon (the scout) said, "Water!" So
he got up, and the people got up, and we walked to it until we
encamped at it and drank it and washed. The day was not
[1967] advanced before the camels approached, driven from every

907. I.e., in anticipation of death.

908. I.e., before we will have died.

909. Ansar Allah.

910. Ablutions with sand or dust ( tayammum) are permitted when there is
insufficient water to do normal ablutions by washing. Those who were still in a
state of ritual purity at the morning prayer had, by implication, not slept the
night before, as sleep causes the believer to enter the state of lesser impurity,
necessitating ablutions before prayer.

The People of al-Bahrayn . . .

i43

side; then they kneeled for us, so each man went to his mount
and took it. We had not lost [so much asj a thread.911 We
watered them and made them drink the second drinking after
the first drinking, and we watered ourselves; then we left.912
Abu Hurayrah was my companion, so when we had left that
place he said to me, "How [well[ do you know the location of
that water?" So I replied, "I am one of the best of the Arabs as
guides to this country." He said, "Be with me so that you may
bring me straight upon it." So I came back to it, bringing him to
that same place; but lo, there was no pool there, nor any trace of
the water. So I said to him, "By God, if I had not seen the water I
would have told you that this was the place; I have not seen any
drinking water in this place before today." But lo, there was a
small water bag, filled up. Whereupon (Abu Hurayrah) said, "Oh
Abu Sahm, this is the place, by God; and for this I returned and
brought you back. I filled my water bags, then I placed them on
the edge913 saying [to myself], 'If this was some act of [divine]
grace and a sign [from God] I shall know, and if it was [merely]
rainfall914 I shall know.' Lo! It is an act of grace!" So he praised
God. Then we marched until we came to Hajar.

Al-Ala’915 sent to al-Jarud and to another man to betake [1968]
themselves to 'Abd al-Qays so that they could attack al-Hutam
from [districts] adjacent to them. (Al-Ala5) went out with
those who came with him and those who came to him, until he
attacked him from what is adjacent to Hajar. All the polytheists
gathered to al-Hutam except the people of Darin, and all the

91 1. I.e., although the camels were wandering untended all night, nothing was
lost from their baggage.

912. Diyarbakri, II, 221 offers a somewhat different miracle story, involving
the sudden appearance of rain clouds.

913. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 369, adds “of the pool"; Isfahan!, XIV, 47, adds “of
the valley."

914. The text reads ghiyathan, "divine aid," but the context of the story
clearly requires some test between divine grace and accidental encounter of
natural water, the idea being that naturally occurring water would still be there
when Abu Hurayrah returned. I suspect that the text originally read ghaythan,
"rain," and have translated accordingly. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 369, has 'aynan,
"a spring," which in unpointed texts would appear identical with ghaythan. The
whole phrase is missing in Isfahan!.

915. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 370; Isfahan!, XIV, 47-48; Nuwayri, 103.

M4

The Conquest of Arabia

Muslims gathered to al-'Ala’ b. al-Hadrami. The Muslims and
the polytheists dug trenches; they used to fight in turns and
return to their trench. They were thus for some months.916
While917 the people were [in that state], one night the Muslims
heard a tremendous racket in the camp of the polytheists, like
the clamoring of a rout or of fighting; so al-'Ala’ said, "Who
will bring us news of the enemy?" Whereupon 'Abdallah b.
Hadhaf said, "I will bring you news of the enemy." Now his
mother was a woman of 'Ijl; so he went out until, when
he drew near their trench, they seized him and said to him,
"Who are you?" So he related his genealogy for them, and began
calling, "Oh Abjar!" At this, Abjar b. Bujayr918 came and
identified him; then he said, "What is your business?" So
['Abdallah] replied, "May I not perish among the Lahazim!919
Why should I be killed while there are all around me troops of
'Ijl, Taymallat, Qays, and 'Anazah? Is al-Hutam playing tricks
on me, while strangers920 of the tribes and you are witnesses?
Stop it!" He said, "By God, I think you are the worst nephew to
your uncles tonight." So he said, "Let me go921 and give me
[something] to eat, for I am dying of hunger." So he brought
[1969] food for him, whereupon he ate. Then he said, "Give me pro¬
visions and a riding camel and let me go to my home." He said
that to a man overcome by drink, who did so. He mounted him
on his camel, and gave him provisions, and let him [go].
'Abdallah b. Hadhaf went out until he entered the camp of the
Muslims; then he informed them that the enemy was drunk. So
the Muslims went out against them so that they rushed upon
their camp, putting them to the sword at will. [The enemy]
rushed into the trench in flight. [Some] were thrown down,

916. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, and Nuwayri: "a month."

917. Cf. Ibn Hubaysh, 7iff.; Balansi, 139-40; Nuwayri, 103-4.

918. Thus text, but we should probably read Abjar b. Jabir, a Christian
chieftain of 'Ijl, as given by Balansi. Cf. Caskel, II, 134; Donner, "Bakr," 31.

919. Lahazim was an alliance of the Bakri tribes of 'Ijl, Qays b. Tha'labah, and
Taymallat b. Tha'labah with the 'Anazah b. Asad b. Rabi'ah, a non-Bakri tribe.
Cf. Donner, "Bakr," 17 and 32.

920. Nuzza'j people living in a tribe under protection who are not of the tribe
itself. Cf. Ibn Manzur, VIII, 350.

921. Da'ni min hadha.

The People of al-Bahrayn . . .

i45

[others] escaped; [some stood] dumbfounded, [and were] killed or
taken prisoner. The Muslims seized what was in the camp, no
man escaping except with what was on him. As for Abjar, he
fled; whereas al-Hutam became confused and mixed up, and
his courage left him. So922 he went up to his horse while the
Muslims were all around them slaying them, in order to ride it;
but when he placed his foot in the stirrup, he was unable to
proceed. Then Afif b. al-Mundhir, one of the Banu Amr b.

Tamim, passed him while al-Hutam was calling for help, saying,

"Isn't there a man of Banu Qays b. Thalabah who will lift me
onto my mount?" Then he raised his voice, so that (Afif)
recognized his voice; whereupon he said, "Abu Dubay'ah?"
(Al-Hutam) replied, "Yes." He said, "Give me your foot so that I
may lift you up." So he gave him his foot so he could lift him,
but he struck it from the side (with his sword), severing it from
the upper leg, and left him. At this (al-Hutam) said, "Finish me
off!" Whereupon ('Afif) replied, "I do not want you to die until
I have made you suffer." Now with 'Afif were a number of his
father's offspring; they were killed that night. Al-Hutam began [1970]
to say to every Muslim who passed by him in the night, "Would
you like to kill al-Hutam?", saying that even to those he did not
know, until Qays b. Asim passed him. So he said that to him,
whereupon (Qays) turned to him and killed him. Then, when he
saw that his thigh had been severed,923 he said, "Oh vile one! If I
had known what [a wound] he had, I would not have touched
him." After the Muslims had secured the trench against the
enemy, they went out in search of them, pursuing them. Qays b.

Asim caught up with Abjar; but Abjar's horse was stronger than
the horse of Qays, so when he feared that he might escape him,
he speared him in the hamstring, severing the tendon while the
sciatic nerve remained unharmed; so that did it.924 Afif b. al-
Mundhir said,

If the tendon pulses [with the heartbeat] the sciatic nerve does

not;

not everyone who falls knows about that.

922. Cf. Balansi, 140-41.

923. So text; i.e., that the lower leg had been severed from it.

924. fa-kanat raddah.

146 The Conquest of Arabia

Did you not see that we subdued their guards
in the lineage of 'Amr, and noble al-Ribab?

Afif b. al-Mundhir took al-Gharur b. Suwayd prisoner, so al-
Ribab negotiated with him on his behalf; his father was the
nephew of Taym, and they asked him to grant him protection.
So he said to al-'Ala’, "I have taken this one under my pro¬
tection." (Al-'Ala’) said, "And who is he?" He replied, "Al-
Gharur." {Al-'Ala ) said [to al-Gharur), "You misled these
[people)!" (Al-Gharur) replied,925 "Oh king, I am not the deceiver
[al-gharur), rather the deceived." (Al-'Ala’) said, "Embrace
Islam!" So he embraced Islam and remained in Hajar. Al-Gharur
[1971J was his proper name; it was not a nickname. 'Afif killed al-
Mundhir b. Suwayd b. al-Mundhir.

In926 the morning Al-'Ala’ divided the spoils. He awarded
some of the men of valor garments as booty; among those who
were awarded booty were 'Afif b. al-Mundhir, Qays b. Asim,
and Thumamah b. Uthal. As for Thumamah, he was given as
booty some garments among which was a robe with ornamental
borders of which al-Hutam had been very proud; he sold the
garments.

The majority927 of those who fled headed for Darin, and then
rode boats to it; the rest returned to the country of their tribe. So
al-'Ala’ b. al-Hadrami wrote to those among them of Bakr b.
Wa’il who had stood by their Islam, and sent to 'Utaybah b.
al-Nahhas928 and to 'Amr b. 'Abd al-Aswad929 to stick to
what they were doing and to waylay the apostates on every
road 930 He ordered Misma'931 to surprise them, and sent to
Khasafah al-Taymi and al-Muthanna b. Harithah al-Shaybani,932
so that they took up positions against them on the road. Some

925. Cf. p. 137, above.

926. Cf. Ibn al-Athlr, Kamil, II, 370, IsfahanI, XIV, 48.

927. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 371; IsfahanI, XIV, 48-49.

928. A Muslim of Banu 'Ijl; cf. Ibn Hajar, I$abah, s.v.

929. Possibly 'Amr b. al-Aswad b. 'Amir (Ibn al-Athir, Usd, IV, 84); he is,
however, said to have been one of the martyrs at al-Yamamah.

930. Or "in every way."

931. Possibly Misma' b. Shayban of Qays b. Tha'labah; cf. Caskel, II, 409.

932. Chieftain of Shayban and early ally of Muslims in Iraq. Cf. El2, s.v.
"Al-Muthanna b. Haritha" (F. M. Donner).

The People of al-Bahrayn . . .

i47

of (the fugitives) repented, so (the Muslims) accepted them
and included them [in their forces]. Others refused and were
stubborn; they were prevented from returning [to Islam], so they
went back where they had come from until they crossed over to
Darin. Thus God gathered them [all] in it. A man of Banu
Dubay'ah b. 'Ijl called Wahb said about that, reproaching
those of Bakr b. Wa’il who apostatized:

Do you not see that God tests his creatures

so that [some] peoples become wicked even as [another]
group becomes pure?

God disgraces peoples afflicted by immorality;

Zayd al-Dallal and Ma'mar fell upon them.933

Al-'Ala’ remained lodged in the camp of the polytheists until
the letters came back to him from those of Bakr b. Wa’il to
whom he had written, and he had learned from them of [their]
support for God's cause and zeal934 for His religion. So when he
had gotten what he desired from them in this regard, he felt sure
that nothing untoward would take him from behind on the part
of anyone of the people of al-Bahrayn. He summoned the people
to Darin; then he gathered them together and addressed them,
saying: "God gathered for you in this sea the troops935 of the
devils and those fleeing in fright from the war,- He has shown
you His signs on land, so that you may consider them on the
sea. So arise against your enemy, then cross the sea to them.936
For in truth, God has gathered them." At this they said, "We
shall do it, and by God we shall not feel any fear after [what
happened in] the Dahna’ as long as we live." So he set out and
they did likewise until, when they reached the seashore, they
plunged in, [mounted upon] whinnying stallions, pack camels,
bellowing mules, and braying donkeys, the rider and the infantry¬
man [alike]. (Al-'Ala’) gave a call, and so did they,- his call and

933. According to p. 151, below, Zayd amd Ma'mar were the killers of al-
Hutam; this, of course, contradicts the account m pp. 144-46, in which 'Aflf b.
al-Mundhir and Qays b. 'A?im are responsible for al-Hutam's death.

934. Literally, "passionate anger" ( ghadab ).

935. Or "companies, parties" ( ahzab ).

936. Lit., "make the sea broad (or ask it to be broad) to them."

[I972-]

148

The Conquest of Arabia

theirs was, "Oh Most Merciful of forgivers! Oh Noble One! Oh
Mild- tempered One! Oh Unique One! Oh Everlasting One! Oh
Living One! Oh Reviver of the dead! Oh Living One! Oh Eternal
One! There is no God but Thee, oh our Lord!"937 Then they all
passed over that gulf, by the will of God, walking as if on soft
sand upon which was water that [only] covered the hooves of the
camels.938 In truth, between the coast and Darin is a trip of a
day and a night for a ship of the sea under some conditions.
So they reached it and fought so intensely that they did not
leave anyone there to relate [what had happened]. They took as
captives the offspring [of the vanquished] and drove off the
[1973] flocks. The booty of the horseman reached 6,0 00, 939 and that
of the foot soldier 2,000. They crossed over to them and marched
on that [same] day;940 then when they were done, they returned
as they had come so that they crossed [back]. About that Afif
b. al-Mundhir said:941

Did you not see that God subdued His ocean,

and has sent one of the momentous happenings down
among the unbelievers?

We called on Him Who divided the seas, so He brought us

something more amazing than the dividing of the first seas.

After al-Ala’ returned to al-Bahrayn and Islam became
established in it, and Islam and its people grew strong and
polytheism and its people were abased, those who had some¬
thing [evil] in their hearts engaged in evil rumors, so the rumor
mongers spread their lies. They said, "That one, Mafruq,942 has

937. The epithets given in the call are all among the Quranic "beautiful
names" of God.

938. Cf. BalansI, 143; Diyarbakri, II, 221, gives a different version of this
miraculous crossing.

939. Presumably dirhams, a silver com.

940. Cairo, without explanation of source, has "they passed the night and
marched the next day."

941. Cf. Diyarbakri, II, zzi; IsfahanI, XIV, 49; Balansi, 143.

942. Al-Nu'man "Mafruq" b. 'Ami of Banu Abu Rabi'ah of Shayban of Bakr is
said to have died ca. 615 at Yaum al-'Uzalah (Yawm Iyad); Cf. Caskel, I, Table
149, and II, 451; Balansi, 141, whose editor confirms it to have been Mafruq b.
'Amr al-Shaybani. E. Landau-Tasseron suggests that either the person referred to
here is a descendant of the deceased Mafruq, or the narrator uses the name of a

The People of al-Bahrayn . . .

149

gathered his kinsmen of Shayban and Taghlib and al-Namir."
But groups of Muslims said to them, "Then the Lahazim will
take care of them for us." Now the Lahazim at that time had
agreed to assist al-Ala’, and they obeyed [him]. About that
Abdallah b. Hadhaf said:943

Do not threaten us with Mafruq and his family;

if he comes to us, he shall suffer among us the fate944 of al-
Hutam.

In truth, that clan of Bakr, even if it is numerous,

is (nonetheless] one of the communities entering the fire.
Outside the palm grove are horses, and inside it

are horses, heavily laden with young men leading camels.

Al-Ala’ b. al-tdadrami allowed the people to go home, so
the people returned, except those who desired to stay. Then945
we headed home, and Thumamah b. Uthal headed home until,
when we were at a spring of the Banu Qays b. Tha'labah, they
saw Thumamah with the robe of al-Hujam on him; they hid a
man with him, saying, "Ask him how (his robe) came to be his,
and whether he or someone else killed al-Hutam." So (the man)
came to him and asked him about it, whereupon (Thumamah)
replied, "I was awarded it as booty." (The man) said, "Were you
the one who killed al-Hutam?" He replied, "No; but I wish I had
killed him." (The man) asked, "Then how is it that this robe is
with you?" He replied, "Didn't I just tell you?" At this (the
man) returned to them to tell them (what he had said], so they
gathered to him; then they went to (Thumamah) and surrounded
him. Whereupon he said, "What do you want?" They said, "You
are the killer of al-Hutam." (Thumamah) replied, "You lie,- I am
not his killer, but I was given it as booty." They said, "Is anyone
but the killer awarded the spoil [of a slain man]?" (Thumamah)

dead tribal hero (personal communication). Cf. Landau-Tasseron, "The
Participation of Tayyi’ *n the Ridda," 63, which describes how a hero of the
tribe, Zayd al-Khayl, appears m some accounts about the ridda, even though he
had died before it began.

943. Cf. Ibn Hubaysh, 71; BalansI, 141-41, which reverses order of verses 2
and 3.

944. Sunnah-

945. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 370-71; Isfahan!, XIV, 49.

[1974]

15°

The Conquest of Arabia

replied, “(The robe) was not on him; it was found in his baggage."
[But] they said, “You lie!" and struck him down.

With946 the Muslims in Hajar was a monk; then he embraced
Islam on that day, so he was asked, “What induced you to
embrace Islam?" He replied, “Three things. I feared that God
would transform me into something hideous after it if I did not
do it; a flood in the sands and the smoothing of the highest parts
of the sea;947 and a prayer that I heard in their camp on the
winds by dawn." They said, "What was it?" He said, “Oh God,
You are the Compassionate, the Merciful; there is no God other
than You; [You are] the Original, nothing was before You; the
Enduring, not forgetful; the Living, Who does not die; Creator
of what is seen and what is not seen; and each day, You are
[1975] [employed] in [some] affair; Oh God, You know everything,
without learning." Then I knew that a group was not aided by
the angels unless they were in God's cause." The companions of
the Apostle of God used to listen to that Hajari thereafter.

Al-Ala’ wrote to Abu Bakr, “Now then: God, may He
be blessed and exalted, made the Dahna’ flow for us in an
inundation the western side of which could not be seen.948 And
He showed us a sign and a wonderful example after [our] anxiety
and distress, so that we might praise God and glorify Him. So
pray to God and ask His assistance for His armies and those who
help His religion." So Abu Bakr praised God and prayed to Him,
and said: “The Arabs still say, when speaking of their country,
that when Luqman949 was asked whether they should dig the
Dahna" [for water] or leave it, he forbade them and said, 'The
well rope does not reach it, and one is not refreshed.' In truth the
case of this inundation is one of the great signs; we have not
heard of it among any nation before. Oh God, appoint among us
a successor to Muhammad!"950 Then al-'Ala’ wrote to him

946. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 371 ; Isfahan!, XIV, 49.

947. A reference to the miracles related at pp. 143 and 148, above.

948. Meaning that the pool was so large one could not see across it; the
Muslims were, according to the story, coming from the east; cf. p. 143, above.

949. A legendary pre-Islamic hero and sage. Cf. El2, s.v. "Lukman" (B. Heller —
N. A. Stillman).

950. Ikhlif Muhammadan find.

The People of 'Uraan and Mahrah 1 5 1

about the defeat of the people of the trench and the killing of al-
Hutam by Zayd and Ma'mar:951 "Now then: God, may His
name be blessed, robbed the enemy of their wits and took away
their good fortune952 by means of a drink that they took by day;
then we rushed upon their trench against them, but found them
drunk, so we killed them except for those who fled. Al-Hutam
was killed." So Abu Bakr wrote [back] to him, "Now then: If you
learn anything further about the Banu Shayban b. Tha'labah
like what you have learned [already], and the rumor mongers
plunge into it, then send an army to them to crush them, and [1976]
scatter in flight with them whoever is behind them." But they
did not gather, nor did those rumors of theirs come to anything.

The Apostasy of the People of ‘ Uman and Mahrah
and the Yemen

Abu Ja'far said:953 Differences of opinion exist regarding the
date of the Muslims' war [with] these [people]. According to Ibn
Humayd — Salamah — Ibn Ishaq: al-Yamamah and the Yemen
and al-Bahrayn were conquered and the armies sent to Syria
in they year 12. According to Abu Zayd — Abu al-Hasan al-
Mada’ini — Abu Ma'shar, Yazid b. 'Iyad b. Ju'dubah, Abu 'Ubay-
dah b. Muhammad b. Abi 'Ubaydah, Ghassan b. 'Abd al-Hamid,
Juwayriyyah b. Asma’ — their teachers according to their chains
of authority, and from others among the scholars of the people of
Syria and Iraq: The conquests among all the apostates by Khalid
b. al-Walid and others were in the year n, except for the affair of
Rabi'ah b. Bujayr,954 which was in the year 13. The story of
Rabi'ah b. Bujayr al-Taghlibi is that Khalid b. al-Walid, accord¬
ing to what was said in this account of his which I mentioned,
was in al-Musayyakh and al-Hasid;955 then Rabi'ah rose up [in

951. Text has Misma'; but cf. p. 147 and note 933, above. The form Ma'mar
must be the correct one because the poem on p. 147 ends in 1. Cf. Wellhausen,
Skizzen, VI, 149; Emendanda.

952. Or "took away their power" ( adhhaba rihahum).

953. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 372.

954. A chief of Taghlib; cf. Tabari, I, 2072.

955. Two places in southern Iraq conquered by Khalid b. al-Walid, at which
time the uprising of Rabi'ah b. Bujayr occurred. Cf. Tabari I, 2068-2070;
Baladhurl, Futuh, 110-11.

152.

The Conquest of Arabia

rebellion] with a group of apostates. So [Khalid] fought him,
{1977] plundering and taking captives. He gained [as booty] a daughter
of Rabi'ah b. Bujayr, so he took her captive. He sent the cap¬
tives to Abu Bakr; subsequently Rabi'ah's daughter became the
possession of All b. Abi Talib.

As for the case of 'Uman, according to al-Sari b. Yahya —
Shu'ayb — Sayf — Sahl b. Yusuf — al-Qasim b. Muhammad and
al-Ghusn b. al-Qasim and Musa al-Jalyusi — Ibn Muhayriz:956 In
'Uman appeared Laqit b. Malik al-Azdi,957 "the one with the
crown." During the jahiliyyah he used to be a rival of al-Julanda,
and he preached something like what whoever was a prophet
preached. He seized 'Uman as an apostate and forced Jayfar
and 'Abbad958 to take refuge in the mountains and the sea,- so
Jayfar sent to Abu Bakr informing him about that and asking
him [to send] an army against him. At this, Abu Bakr al-§iddiq
sent Hudhayfah b. Mihsan al-Ghalfani of Himyar959 and Arfajah
al-Bariqi of the Azd, al-Hudhayfah to 'Uman and 'Arfajah to
Mahrah. He ordered the two of them, when they agreed, to
combine against those to whom they had been sent, and to begin
in 'Uman, Hudhayfah [having precedence] over 'Arfajah on his
front, and 'Arfajah [having precedence] over Hudhayfah on his
front. So they set out supporting one another. (Abu Bakr] ordered
them to march quickly until they should come to 'Uman. Then,
when they were near it, they corresponded with Jayfar and 'Ab¬
bad and acted on their counsel; so they proceeded to what they
had been ordered to. Now Abu Bakr had sent 'Ikrimah against
Musaylimah in al-Yamamah; and he sent Shurahbil b. Hasanah
after him, and named al-Yamamah to him [as his goal]. He com¬
manded the two of them [to proceed] just as he had commanded
[1978] Hudhayfah and 'Arfajah; but 'Ikrimah strove to precede Shurah¬
bil and sought the favor of victory. Then Musaylimah defeated
him, so he drew back from Musaylima and wrote to Abu Bakr

956. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 371.

957. Cf. Baladhuri, Futuh, 76; Balansi, 148.

958. Text and Cairo have 'Abbad, here and subsequently; Ibn al-Athir, Kamil,
has 'lyadh. The proper form may be 'Abd: cf. p. 70 and note 446, above,-
Baladhuri, Futuh, 76; Caskel, II, 104; Wilkinson, “The Julanda."

959. Balansi, 147, has Hudhayfah b. al-Yaman al-Azdi sent by the Prophet.

The People of 'Uman and Mahrah

i53

with the news. Shurahbil stood firm where the news reached
him. Abu Bakr wrote to Shurahbil b. Hasanah to remain in
the nearest part of al-Yamamah until his [further] order should
come to him, and gave Up making him go to the front he had
[originally] sent him to. He wrote to 'Ikrimah, censuring him for
his excessive haste and saying, " I shall neither see you nor hear
you until after [some act of] valor. Go to 'Uman in order to fight
the people of 'Uman; assist Hudhayfah and 'Arfajah. Each one
of you is in charge of his cavalry; Hudhayfah is in charge of
the army as long as you are in his district.960 When you have
finished, go on to Mahrah; then let your course from it be to the
Yemen until you meet up with al-Muhajir b. Abi Umayyah in
the Yemen and in Hadramawt. Crush whoever has apostatized
between ‘Uman and the Yemen. Let me learn of your valor." So
‘Ikrimah proceeded on the heels of 'Arfajah and hudhayfah,
leading those who were with him, so that he joined the two of
them before they had reached 'Uman. He961 had made an agree¬
ment with them that, after finishing, they would follow the
opinion of 'Ikrimah in marching on with him962 or staying
in 'Uman. Then, after they had joined [forces] and were near
'Uman in a place called Rijam,963 they corresponded with Jay far
and 'Abbad. Laqit learned of the approach of the army, so he
gathered his troops and set up camp at Daba. Jayfar and 'Abbad
came out of the places where they had been and set up camp at
$uhar.964 The two of them sent to Hudhayfah, 'Arfajah, and
'Ikrimah [inviting them] to come to them; so they came to
them both in §uhar. Then they mopped up those who adjoined
them until they were satisfied with [the loyalty of] those who
were near them. They wrote to chiefs who were with Laqit, [1979]
starting with a chief of Banu Judayd;965 they exchanged cor-

960. fi'amalihi.

961. Presumably Abu Bakr imposing an agreement on the three commanders,
'Arfajah, Hudhayfah, and 'Ikrimah; the pronoun "them” is plural, not dual.

962. I.e., on to Mahrah and the Yemen. The text hereabouts is not always
lucid.

963. A long red mountain on the western fringe of 'Uman: cf. Thilo, s.v.

964. A seaport and sometimes capital of 'Uman, where a Sasanian garrison
was stationed on the eve of Islam: cf. Yaqut, s.v.; Wilkinson, "The Julanda," 99.

965. Probably Judayd b. Hadir, a large subdivision of the 'UmanI tribe of
Daws — Azd.

154

The Conquest of Arabia

respondence until they became dispersed from him. They fell
upon Laqit, meeting [him] at Daba. Laqit had gathered the
families and then put them behind their lines to provoke them
to battle and to protect their womenfolk. Now Daba is the chief
town ( mist ) and the most important marketplace. So they fought
intensely at Daba. Laqit was prevailing over the army; but while
they were in that situation, the Muslims having experienced
disorder and the polytheists anticipating victory, there came to
the Muslims their great reinforcements from Banu Najiyah,966
led by al-Khirrit b. Rashid, and from 'Abd al-Qays, led by
Sayhan b. $uhan,967 and scattered individuals of 'Uman from
Banu Najiyah and 'Abd al-Qays. Thus968 God strengthened the
people of Islam through them, and weakened through them the
polytheists; so the polytheists turned their backs in flight, so
that 10,000 of them were killed in the battle. (The Muslims)
pursued them so that they made great slaughter among them
and took the offspring prisoner and divided the flocks969 among
the Muslims. They sent the fifth [of booty] to Abu Bakr with
'Arfajah. 'Ikrimah and Hudhayfah were of the opinion that
Hudhayfah should remain in 'Uman so as to facilitate matters
and to calm the people down.970 The fifth [of booty] amounted
to 800 heads;971 and they plundered the marketplace com¬
pletely. So 'Arfajah marched to Abu Bakr with the fifth of
the captives and the plunder, while Hudhayfah remained to
calm the people down. He invited the tribes around 'Uman to
settle what God had restored as booty to the Muslims and
the expatriates972 of 'Uman. 'Ikrimah marched on with the
people; he started with Mahrah, about which 'Abbad al-Najl
said:

9 66. A branch of the old Quda'I tribe of Jarm that had, before Islam, taken up
independent residence in 'Uman. Cf. Caskel, II, 442.

967. Cf. Caskel, II, 502.

968. Cf. Nuwayri, 104-5.

969. Or "property” ( amwal ).

970. Balansi, 149, says 700 captives, with Hudhayfah conducting them to
Medina while 'Ikrimah remained in Daba.

971. I.e., 800 people captured? Or 800 head of livestock?

972. Shawadhib (sing, shadhib), "those separated from their homeland."

The Account of Mahrah in the Uplands

i55

By my life, Laqit b. Malik was met by

an evil that would make foxes shamefaced.

He challenged in battle Abu Bakr and those who praise [Godl,
whereupon there were thrown down
two strands of his mighty torrent.

The first one did not thwart him, and the enemies were not
defeated; ,

but then his cavalry took away the straying camels.

The Account of Mahrah in the Uplands 973

After 974 'Ikrimah and Arfajah and Hudhayfah had finished
with the apostasy of 'Uman, 'Ikrimah went out with his army
toward Mahrah. He asked those around 'Uman and the people
of 'Uman for assistance, and marched until he reached Mahrah,
with men of Najiyah, al-Azd, 'Abd al-Qays, Rasib,975 and Sa'd
of Banu Tamlm976 whom he had asked to help him, until he fell
upon the territories of Mahrah. He met in [that country] two
groups977 of Mahrah. The first of them was in a place of the land
of Mahrah called Jayrut;978 that region had been filled up as far
as Nadadun, [Jayrut and Nadadun being) two of the plains of
Mahrah. They were led by Shakhrlt,979 a man of Banu Shakrat.
As for the other [group], they were in the uplands. Now all of
Mahrah had obeyed the leader of this group, which was led by al-

973. Ai-najd.

974. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 373-74.

97 5. A branch of Jarm, which like Najiya had settled in 'Uman before Islam.
Cf. Caskel, II, 211, 259, s.v. "Garm"; 485.

97 6. Sa'd min bani Tamlm . Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI, 149 felt that text should
read simply "Sa'd Tamim," (i.e., referring to Sa'd b. Zaydmanat b. Tamlm); m
the Emendanda, De Goeje proposed that the text should read simply "Sa'd"
(referring to Sa'd Hudhaym) and that min bani Tamim should be dropped. Ibn
al-Athir, Kamil, II, 373, has, in fact, only "Sa'd," and also omits mention of
al-Azd.

977. Here and elsewhere in the paragraph, jam', lit., "gathering," refers to a
military force, particularly one of bedouins.

978. Neither Jayrut nor the next toponym, Nadadun, are known to Hamdani;
Yaqut's information about them is derived from this account and so adds
nothing.

979. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 373: Sikhrit.

[1980]

The Conquest of Arabia

156

Musabbah, one of the Banu Muharib,980 and all the people were
[1981] with him except those who were with Shakhrit. So the two of
them were in disagreement, each one of the two chiefs calling
upon the other to [support] him, and each one of the two armies
desiring that victory should be to their chief. That was how God
helped the Muslims and strengthened them against their enemy,
and weakened [the enemy].

Now when 'Ikrimah saw how few were those with Shakhrit,
he invited him to return to Islam. It was at the beginning of
the call,981 so (Shakhrit) responded to him; in this way God
weakened al-Musabbah. Then ('Ikrimah) sent to al-Musabbah
inviting him to Islam and to return from his unbelief; but he
was deceived by how many there were with him, and moved
further away because of Shakhrit's situation 982 So 'Ikrimah
marched against him, and Shakhrit marched with him; then
they and al-Musabbah met in the uplands, and fought more
intensely than the fighting at Daba. Then God put the armies
of the apostates to flight and killed their leader. The Muslims
pursued them, so that they killed of them what they wished and
seized [as captives] what they wished. Among what they seized
[as captives] were 2,000 noblewomen. Then 'Ikrimah set aside
the fifth of the booty and sent the fifth with Shakhrit to
Abu Bakr, and divided the [remaining] four-fifths among the
Muslims.983 'Ikrimah and his army grew stronger through
the camels and goods and weapons [taken as booty]. 'Ikrimah
remained so that he could muster them for whatever [purpose]
he wished. The people of the Najd congregated — the people of
Riyad al-Rawdah,984 the people of the seacoast, the people of the

980. Several tribes with this name exist, most notably a branch of 'Abd
al-Qays in al-Bahrayn; also bearing this name are branches of Quraysh, Qays
(both Hijaz tribes) and 'Anazah (of northeastern Arabia).

981. I.e., the beginning of the period when Islam was preached to the tribes of
Arabia by the Muslims.

982. That is, since Shakhrit had joined Islam, his rival al-Musabbah distanced
himself from it.

983. During the liddah and Islamic conquests, the one-fifth share of booty
that in pre-Islamic times had been the share of the raid leader was set aside for
the caliph to use for the good of the Muslim community.

984. Thus Yaqut; text has "Riyadat al-Rawdah." Cf. Emendanda and pp.
177-79, below.

The Account of Mahrah in the Uplands

i57

islands, the people of [the lands of] myrrh and frankincense,985

the people of Jayrut, Zuhur al-Shihr, al-§abarat, Yan'ab, and [1982]

Dhat al-Khiyam986 — to take the oath of allegiance to Islam.

Then he wrote about that with a herald — he was al-Sa’ib, one
of the Banu 'Abid of Makhzum — so he came to Abu Bakr with
[news of] the conquest, and Shakhrit arrived after him with the
fifths [of booty]. About that 'Uljum al-Muharibi said:

May God punish Shakhrit and the splinter groups of Haysham
and Firdim,987 since groups from every quarter came to us.

A punishment deserved, [for] he had taken no heed of
protection,988

and he did not hope for it in the way that relatives do.

Oh 'Ikrimah, but for the gathering of my tribe and their deeds,
indeed the places [where you could go] would have seemed
confining to you.

We would have been like someone who lets a palm [of one hand]
follow its mate,-989

the vicissitudes [of fate] would have descended upon us in
time.

985. Or “the people of al-Murr/al-Marr and Labban." Text and Yaqut have
"al-Labban." However, neither Hamdani nor Yaqut know of a place called
al-Murr/al-Marr, and Yaqut's entry for "al-Labban" simply notes that it is in
Mahrah and mentioned in the riddah, so his information is probably derived
from this very account. The Mahrah and Hadramawt districts were, of course,
well known as sources of myrrh | al-mun) and frankincense | al-luban).

986. The four preceding toponyms are known to Yaqut only as "places in the
Mahrah mentioned during the riddah"-, presumably, he got his information on
them from this account.

987. Firdim b. al-TJjayl was, according to Ibn al-Kalbl, from Mahrah (Caskel I,
Table 328 and II, 247). Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI, 149, proposes to read "Qirdim"
authorities are divided.

988. Lam yurdqib li-dhimmatin. Cf. the phrase la yarqubu fihi illan wa-ld
dhimmatan, "he treated him ruthlessly"; Hans Wehr, A Dictionary of Modern
Arabic, 352. Ibn al-Athlr, Kamil, II, 373, has "took no heed of his religion
( li-dinihi )." Presumably the verse refers to Shakhrit's betrayal of his tribe,
Mahrah.

989. I.e., we would have wrung our hands?

158

The Conquest of Arabia

Account of the Apostates in the Yemen

Abu Ja'far said: according to al-Sari b. Yahya — Shu'ayb — Sayf —
Talhah — 'Ikrimah and Sahl — al-Qasim b. Muhammad:990 The
Apostle of God died while over Mecca and its territory were
Attab b. Asld991 and al-Tahir b. Abi Halah, Attab over Banu
[1983J Kinanah and al-Tahir over Akk.992 That was [because] the
Prophet had said, "Put the governorship of Akk among the
descendants of his ancestor Ma'add b. Adrian."993 Over al-
Ta’if and its territory were 'Uthman b. Abi al-As994 and
Malik b. Awf al-Nasri,995 'Uthman over the settled people
and Malik over the nomads, the hinder parts of Hawazin.996
Over Najran and its territory were 'Amr b. Hazm and Abu
Sufyan b. Harb,997 Amr b. Hazm over prayer and Abu Sufyan
b. ftarb over the sadaqah taxes. Over [the territory] between
Rima' and Zabid as far as the border of Najran was Khalid b.
Sa'Id b. al-As. Over all of Hamdan was Amir b. Shahr, and
over $an'a’ was Fayruz al-Daylami, supported by Dadhawayh
and Qays b. Makshuh. Over al-Janad was Ya'la b. Umayyah,
and over Ma’rib was Abu Musa al-Ash'ari. Over the Ash'aris
in addition to Akk was al-Tahir b. Abi Halah. Mu'adh b.
Jabal used to instruct the people, making the rounds in the
district of every governor.998

Then al-Aswad sprang upon them during the life of the
Prophet, so the Prophet waged war against him by means of

990. Cf. p. 19, above; Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 374-75; Caetam, 569-70, 581-
8z.

991. An Umayyad and late convert to Islam who had been appointed governor
of Mecca by the Prophet. Cf. El1, s.v. "'Attab b. Asid."

99Z. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil: 'Akk and the Ash'aris. Cf. below, in this paragraph.

993. Ma'add was the supposed ancestor of all North Arabs. Cf. El2, s.v.
"Ma'add" (A. Grohmann — G. R. Smith].

994. A member of the tribe of Thaqif of al-Ta’if, he converted late, just before
the Prophet's conquest of his city; he was earnest in teaching the Qur’an. Cf.
Caskel, II, 579; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, III, 272.-74.

995. A chief of the Nasr b. Mu'awiyah clan of Hawazin, Cf. Caskel, II, 387.

996. A'jaz Hawazin.

997. Abu Sufyan, father of the Umayyad caliph Mu'awiyah, was head of the
Umayyah clan of Quraysh at the time of the Prophet; he opposed the Prophet
until his conversion to Islam just before the conquest of Mecca. Cf. El2, s.v.
"Abu Sufyan b. Harb" (W. M. Watt).

998. Fi 'amali kulli 'amilin.

Account of the Apostates in the Yemen

i59

envoys and letters until God killed him and the cause of the
Prophet returned to what it had been one night before the
Prophet's death. However, the arrival [of the Prophet's com¬
manders in Yemen]999 did not stir up the people since the people
were prepared for it. Then, when [news of] the death of the
Prophet reached them, the Yemen and the countries1000 rebelled.

The horsemen of al-'Ansi had been in a commotion in [the
country] between Najran and $an'a’ on the side of that sea, not
taking refuge with anyone nor anyone taking refuge with them.

So Amr b. Ma'dikarib [was] opposite Farwah b. Musayk, 1001 and
Mu'awiyah b. Anas1002 [was] leading the fugitive soldiers of al-
Ansi, wavering. None of the governors of the Prophet returned
[to Medina]1003 after the death of the Prophet, except Amr b. [1984]
Hazm and Khalid b. Sa'id. The rest of the governors took refuge
among the Muslims. Amr b. Ma'dikarib confronted Khalid b.

Sa'id, so he seized as booty from him ['Arm's sword] "The
Persistent." The messengers returned bearing the news, and Jarir
b. Abdallah1004 and al-Aqra' b. 'Abdallah1005 and Wabr b.
Yuhannis came back. So until such time as Usamah b. Zayd
returned from Syria — that was estimated at three months — Abu
Bakr waged war against all the apostates [only] by means of
envoys and letters, just as the Apostle of God had done, except
for the affairs of the people of Dhu Husa and Dhu al-Qassah.1006
Then the first clash upon the return of Usamah was this.1007 So

999. Cf. pp. 33 and 38, above. The text is problematic,- Wellhausen, | Skizzen,
VI, 149-50) and De Goeje ( Emendanda ) disagree on rendering and reading. I have
followed De Goeje.

xooo. I.e., the surrounding districts? ( al-buldan ).

root. Of the Murad group of the tribe of Madhhij, he came to the Prophet at
the end of the latter's life and was sent by him over Madhhij; cf. Caskel, II, 145,
Ibn al-Athlr, Usd, IV, r8o-8r.

1002. Of the tribe of Sulaym; cf. Ibn Hajar, Isdbah s.v.

1003. Cf. p. 22, above.

1004. Chief of Bajilah who came to the Prophet in his last year and was put at
head of his tribe by him. Cf. Caskel, II, 218; Ibn al-Athlr, Usd, I, 279-80.

1005. Of Himyar; sent by the Prophet to Dhu Murran. Cf. Ibn Hajar, I$abah,
s.v.

1006. In these two instances, Abu Bakr resorted to military confrontation; cf.
pp. 4off., above.

1007. I.e., Dhu al-Qa$sah. Cairo, following Kosegarten, reads "the first people
to clash . . . were they."

The Conquest of Arabia

160

he went out to al-Abraq. He did not face a tribe directly to defeat
them; rather, he incited those among them who had not apos¬
tatized against the others. So, with a group of the Muhajirun and
the Ansar and those who had been aroused among the non¬
apostates, (Abu Bakr) vanquished those [rebels] who were close
to them, until he took care of the last of the business of the
army1008 without asking the [former] apostates for help [against
the remaining rebels]. The first who wrote to him was 'Attab b.
Asid; he wrote to him about the pursuit of those who had stood
firm in Islam by those in his governorship who had apostatized,
while 'Uthman b. Abi al-'As [wrote] of the pursuit of those who
had stood firm in Islam by those who had apostatized among the
people in his governorship. As for 'Attab, he sent Khalid b.
Asid1009 against the people of the Tihamah, for there had
gathered in it groups from Mudlij; and there congregated to
them scattered persons from Khuza'ah1010 and splinter groups
from Kinanah, commanded by Jundab b. Sulma,1011 one of the
Banu Shannuq of Banu Mudlij.1012 In the governorship (' amal ) of
'Attab there was no gathering besides this, so they met at al¬
ii 98 5] Abariq, whereupon [Khalid b. Asid] dispersed them and killed
them. The slaughter was great among the Banu Shannuq, so
that they remained weak and few in number [after that]. The
governorship1013 of 'Attab became free [of rebels], and Jundab
escaped. Then Jundab said about that:

1008. Akhiii 'umur al-nas, i.e., the last rebels opposing the Muslims. The
sentence is difficult; cf. Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI, 150; Emendanda.

1009. ‘Attab 's brother; he embraced Islam at the time of the conquest of
Mecca and was one of those Meccans given special favors by the Prophet in order
to win them over; they were called those "whose hearts were reconciled." Cf.
Caskel, II, 341 ■, Ibn al-Athir, Usd, II, 76.

1010. An old tribe living between Mecca and Medina, formerly dominant in
Mecca before being displaced by Quraysh. Cf. El2, s.v. "Khuza'a" (M. f. Kister);
Caskel, II, 350.

1011. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 374, has Salma.

iorz. Shannuq b. Murrah, a section of Kinanah, was, according to Ibn al-Kalbl,
not part of Mudlij b. Murrah, but rather a lateral affiliate. Cf. Caskel, I, Table 44,
and II, 416 and 516. The conflation may have been introduced to explain the
verses below.

1013. 'Umalah.

Account of the Wicked People of 'Akk 161

I repented and knew with certainty in the morning that I

had come to something the disgrace of which remains on a
man.

I bear witness that there is nothing beside God.

Banu Mudlij, God is my Lord and my Protector.1014

'Uthman b. Abi al-'As sent a force against Shanu’ah;1015 There
had gathered in it groups of Azd and Bajilah and Khath'am,1016
led by Humaydah b. al-Nu'man.1017 In charge of the people of
al-Ta’if was 'Uthman b. Rabi'ah.1018 So they met in Shanu’ah;
then they routed those groups and they dispersed from Humay¬
dah. Humaydah fled into the countryside, whereupon 'Uthman
b. Rabi'ah said about that:

We broke up their groups while the pool filled with dust,
and the niggardly clouds may promise relief deceitfully.

A lightning-cloud1019 flashed when we met,

then those flashings returned as rainless clouds.

The Wicked People of ' Akk

Abu Ja'far said:1020 The first rebellion in the Tihamah after the
{death of the] Prophet was {that ofj 'Akk and the Ash'aris. (1986J
(The story of] that was that, when the death of the Prophet
reached them, scattered remnants of them gathered; then
scattered remnants and large groupings1021 from the Ash'aris

1014. Reading jdriya with Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI, 150 and Emendanda,
against jam-ha, "its Protector" in the text and Cairo.

1015. A district in Yemen. Cf. Yaqut, s.v.

1016. All three were tribes of the Sarat region (modem ’Asir) of southwest
Arabia; Khath'am was closely associated with Bajilah. Cf. El2, s.v. "Azd"
(G. Strenziok), "Badjila" (W. M. Watt), and "Khath'am" (G. Levi della Vida).

1017. Cf. Tabari, I, 2218: a Bariqi (of Azd).

1018. According to Ibn al-Athir, Usd, III, 371, he was from Quraysh and
among the emigrants to Abyssinia; according to Caskel, I, Table 115 and II, 579,
he was of Hawazin.

1019. Baiiq-, perhaps "sword." In either case, evidently a pun on the name of
Humaydah's clan, Bariq.

1020. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 375-

ro2i. Reading khidamm with Emendanda, against khaddama in text and
Cairo; cf. Ibn Man?ur, XII, 83. Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI, 150 proposed hakam. Cf.
also Caetani, 582.

i6z

The Conquest of Arabia

came to them, so they joined with them. Then they remained on
al-A'lab,1022 the coastal road. Parties of men under no leader
congregated to them. So al-Tahir b. Abi Halah wrote about this
to Abu Bakr, and marched against them, writing also about his
marching against them— with him was Masruq al-'Akki1023—
until he came to those parties of men on al-A'lab; then they
met and fought, whereupon God routed them. They slaughtered
them by every means; the roads stank because of their slaughter.
Their killing was a great conquest.

Abu Bakr responded to al-Tahir before [al-Tahir's] letter about
the conquest could come to him: "Your letter has reached me,
in which you inform me that you have marched against the
wicked people in al-A'lab and that you have asked Masruq and
his tribe for assistance. You are right, so hurry [to deliver] this
blow; do not deal gently with them. Occupy al-A'lab until the
road of the wicked people should become secure and [until] my
order should reach you." So those groups of 'Akk and those
who congregated to them have been called to this day "the
wicked people," and that road has been called "the road of the
wicked people." Al-Tahir b. Abi Halah said about that:

By God, if not for God, other than Whom there is no thing,

the 'Atha'ith1024 would not have been dispersed in the
rugged hills.

My eye had never seen a day like the one I saw

beside the sweat of horses among the groupings of the
wicked people.

[1987] We slew them from the hilltop of Khamir1025

as far as the red sodden plains strewn with mud dredged
from wells.1026

1022. Yaqut knows this as a toponym, but evidently gets his information
solely from this account. Cf. Ibn Manzur, I, 627, which defines 'lib as "barren

place." ,

1023. Cf. Wathimah, 31/74, which has "Masruq b. Dhi al-Harb al-Hamdani

al-Arhabi."

1024. Possibly a nickname applied to the Shahran, an important lineage of the
tribe of Khath'am, because several of their chiefs bore the name 'Ath'ath. Cf.
Caskel, II, 205; Ibn Manzur, II, 168 left.

1025. A mountain in the 'Akk country, according to Yaqut, s.v.

1026. Yaqut, s.v. "Khamir," reads "having 'Atha ith."

Account of the Wicked People of 'Akk 163

We seized as booty the flocks of the wicked ones by force,
fighting openly; we took no heed of the din of battle.

Tahir encamped on the "road of the wicked ones," along with
Masruq leading 'Akk, awaiting Abu Bakr's order.

Abu Ja'far said:1027 When the (news of the] death of the
Apostle of God reached the people of Najran — they were at that
time 40,000 fighting men of Banu al-Af'a,1028 the community
who were in (Najran) before Banu al-Harith1029— they sent a
delegation [to Abu Bakr] to renew the pact. So they came to him,
whereupon he wrote for them:

In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate:
this is a document from the servant of God, Abu Bakr,
successor of the Apostle of God, to the people of Najran.

He affords them protection from his army and himself,
and decrees for them the protection1030 of Muhammad,
except that which Muhammad the Apostle of God had
revoked on God's command regarding their lands and
the lands of the Arabs, that two religions should not
dwell in them. Thereafter he gave them protection for
their persons, their communities, the rest of their pro¬
perties,1031 their dependents, their horses,1032 those
absent of them and those present, their bishop and their
monks and their churches wherever they might be; and
for what their hands possess whether little or much.
They owe what is incumbent upon them; if they pay it,
they will not be compelled to emigrate, nor tithed,
nor shall a bishop be changed from his bishopric or a
monk from his monastic life. He shall fulfil for them
everything that the Apostle of God granted them in

1027. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 375; Caetani, 581-83.
roz8. Presumably descendants of al-Af'a ("Viper") b.al-Husayn, a legendary
judge in Najran; cf. Caskel, II, 141.

1029. Banu al-Harith b. Ka'b (Bal-Harith) was a tribe of the Najran area allied
to Madhhi); they had negotiated with the Prophet, but later backed al-Aswad. Cf.
El2, s.v. "al-Harith b. Ka'b" (J. Schleifer),- Caskel, II, 308.

1030. Dhimmah.

1031. Possibly "flocks": amwdl.

1032. Possibly simply "troops": 'adiyah.

[1988]

164

The Conquest of Arabia

writing, and everything that is in this document by way
of the protection of Muhammad, the Apostle of God,
and the covenant of the Muslims. They owe [the
Muslims] advice and righteousness in those just duties
that are incumbent upon them. Al-Miswar b. 'Amr and
Amr, the client of Abu Bakr, were witnesses [to this
agreement].

Abu Bakr sent Jarir b. Abdallah back and ordered him to
summon those from his tribe1033 who had remained firm in the
cause of God, and then to ask those who could reinforce them
for help, so as to fight with them those who had turned away
from the cause of God. He ordered him to come to Khath'am
so that he could fight those who rebelled out of zealous attach¬
ment1034 to Dhu al-Khalasah1035 and those who wished to
restore it [as their deity], until God should kill them and those
who participated with them in that. Then he was to direct
himself toward Najran, to remain in it until (Abu Bakr's) orders
should reach him. So Jarir went out, carrying out that which
Abu Bakr had commanded him to do. No one opposed him1036
except some men leading a small number [of followers]; so he
killed them and pursued them. Then he directed himself to
Najran, and resided in it awaiting the order of Abu Bakr.

(Abu Bakr) wrote to 'Uthman b. Abi al-As to impose on
the people of al-Ta’if [the raising of] an army, each district
[contributing] according to its ability, and to put in command
over them a man in whom he had confidence and whose
intentions1037 he trusted. So he imposed twenty men [as a con¬
tribution] on each district, and put his brother in command of
them. (Abu Bakr) wrote to Attab b. Asid to impose on the

1033. I.e., from Bajilah.

1034. Lit., "out of anger" | ghadaban).

1035. A pagan shrine of Bajilah, Khath'am, Daws, Azd, and other tribes of
al-Sarat, located near Tabalah, 300 km southeast of Mecca. Cf. El2, s.v. "Dhu
al-Khala$a" (T. Fahd).

1036. Or "detained him?" Text and Cairo read lam y-q-rr lahu-, Ibn al-Athlr,
Kamil, II, 375, has lam y-q-m-, the editor notes that Ibn Khaldun has lam y-m-r
bihi.

1037. Ndhiyah.

The People of the Yemen a Second Time 165

people of Mecca and its district 500 reinforcements, and to send
over them a man in whom he had confidence. So he named [1989]
those whom he would send and put Khalid b. Asid in command
of them. He appointed the commander of each tribe, and they
stood at the ready for Abu Bakr's order to reach them and for al-
Muhajir to come to them.

Apostasy of the People of the Yemen a Second Time

Abu Ja'far said: Among those of them who apostatized a
second time was Qays b. 'Abd Yaghuth b. Makshuh.1038

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf:1039 The story of Qays
in his second apostasy was that when the news of the Apostle
of God's death came to them, (the pact] was violated and he
worked for the killing of Fayruz and Dadhawayh and Jushaysh.

Abu Bakr wrote to 'Umayr Dhu Murran and to Sa'Id Dhu Zud
and to Samayfa' Dhu al-Kala and to Hawshab Dhu Zulaym
and to Shahr Dhu Yanaf,1040 ordering them to stick to their
position1041 and to undertake the cause of God and of the
people, and promising them soldiers: "From Abu Bakr, successor
of the Apostle of God, to 'Umayr b. Aflah Dhu Murran, Sa'id
b. al-'Aqib Dhu Zud, Samayfa' b. Nakur Dhu al-Kala', Flawshab
Dhu Zulaym, and Shahr Dhu Yanaf. Now then: assist the Abna5
against whosoever opposes them, defend them, and obey Fayruz
and apply your utmost effort with him, for I have appointed him
[governor]."

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — al-Mustanir b. Yazid —

'Urwah b. Ghaziyyah al-Dathlnl:1042 After Abu Bakr was ap¬
pointed, he put Fayruz in command. Before that, they had relied [1990]
upon one another — (Fayruz) and Dadhawayh and Jushaysh and
Qays.1043 He wrote to some of the chiefs of the people of the

1038. On his name, see note 145, above.

1039. Cf. Ibn al-Athlr, Kamil, II, 375—76.

1040. Ibn al-Athlr, Kamil, II, 376 has “Dhu Niyaf." On these "Dhus" see
p. 27 and note 168, above.

1041. Lit., "to stick to that in which they were," i.e., to stand fast in Islam.

1042. Ibn al-Athlr, Kamil, II, 376-77 (parallels Tabari through p. 169).

1043. I.e., no one had been in overall command, each leader being equal and
supporting the others as need required.

1 66

The Conquest of Arabia

Yemen. When Qays heard about that, he wrote to Dhu al-Kala'
and his companions, "The Abna’ are interlopers in your country
and foreigners among you. Even if you leave them, they will not
cease to be against you. I have come to hold the opinion that I
should murder their chiefs and expel them from our country."
But they declared themselves clear jof the matter], such that
they did not conspire with him nor assist the Abna’, but kept
aloof, saying, "We have nothing to do with this. You are their
responsibility and they are your responsibility."1044 So Qays lay
in wait for them and prepared to kill their chiefs and to expel
their common [followers]. Then Qays corresponded with those
defeated Lahji troops who were roaming about, while they were
going up and down through the country, waging war against all
who opposed them. Qays corresponded with them in secret and
ordered them to hurry to him, [proposing] that his cause and
their cause should be one and that they should unite in exiling
the Abna’ from the lands of the Yemen. So they wrote [back] to
him responding [favorably] to him, and informed him that they
were hastening to him. The people of San'a’ were taken by
surprise, [learning of it] only with the news of their drawing near
it.1045 Then Qays came to Fayruz about that, as though he were
terrified of this news, and came to Dadhawayh and consulted
the two of them in order to confuse them so that they would not
suspect him; so they took that into consideration and had con¬
fidence in him. Then1046 Qays invited them to a meal the next
day, starting with Dadhawayh, and [asking] Fayruz next and
i] Jushaysh [after him]. So Dadhawayh went out to call on (Qays);
but when he did so, (Qays) fell upon him quickly and killed him.
Fayruz went out to go [to Qays also] until, when he was drawing
near, he overheard two women talking between the rooftops.
One of them said, "This one will be killed just as Dadhawayh
was killed." So he met the two of them; then he turned aside
until he could see the people, high up, gathered together. [When]

1044. Lit., "You are their companion. . ." etc. The idea is that Qays and the
Abna’ must settle their relationship themselves.

1045. Lit., "Nothing took the people of San'a’ by surprise except the news of
their drawing near it."

1046. Cf. Ibn Hubaysh, 77; he says Fayruz escaped to Abu Bakr.

The People of the Yemen a Second Time 167

they were told of Fayruz's turning back, they went out running
[in pursuit). Fayruz ran to meet Jushaysh, whereupon he went
out with him heading toward the mountain of Khawlan,1047 for
they were the maternal relatives of Fayruz. The two of them
preceded the horsemen to the mountain. Then the two of them
climbed down and up the mountain, wearing only plain boots,
so that their feet were cut before they arrived. They reached
Khawlan, and Fayruz entrenched himself among his maternal
relatives and swore not to wear plain boots. The horsemen re¬
turned to Qays. Then he rose in rebellion in $an'a’ and occupied
it, and collected what was around it, playing for time.1048 The
horsemen of al-Aswad came to him. Now after Fayruz had taken
refuge with his maternal kinsmen of Khawlan, so that they
guarded him and the people flocked to him, he wrote to Abu
Bakr with the news. Then Qays said, "What is Khawlan, and
what is Fayruz, and in what abode have they taken refuge?" The
common people of the tribes to whose leaders Abu Bakr had
written sided with Qays, whereas the leaders remained with¬
drawn. 1049 Qays sought out the Abna’, dividing them into three
subdivisions. Those who remained he safeguarded, and their
families he safeguarded.1050 The families of those who had fled
to Fayruz he divided into two groups; one of them he sent to
Aden so that they could be carried [away] by sea, and the other
was carried away by land. To all of them he said, "Go to your
country!" With them he sent someone to make them go. The
family of al-Daylaml was among those who were made to go
away by land; the family of Dadhawayh were among those who
were made to go away by sea. So when Fayruz saw that the [1992.]
majority of the people of the Yemen had gathered to Qays, and
that the families had been marched [into exile], and [that] he had
exposed them to plunder, and [that] he had not found any way to
separate himself from his camp in order to save them, and when
(Fayruz) learned what Qays had said out of contempt for him

1047. A tribe and mountain district southeast of San'a’ in Yemen; cf. Caskel,
II, 345; Wilson, 158; Yaqut, s.v.

1048. Lit., “advancing a foot and withdrawing a foot."

1049. I.e., neutral?

1050. Or "those who remained he settled ( aqarra )" etc.

i68

The Conquest of Arabia

jand for his] maternal relatives and the Abna’, he said, by way of
tracing his lineage and boasting, and mentioning the departure
on a desert voyage: 1051

Call, you two, for the departure of a woman to the palm-filled
sands,

and speak to her, so that there would be no blame on me.
What the enemies say did not harm them, even if they said
much;

he came to his tribe with neither excess nor stinginess.

So desist from a woman on the road that is stretched out

toward the object of her desire, as the sands seek the sands.
Even if, indeed, our residence was in $an'a’,

ours are the offspring of a tribe from whose noble chiefs my
offspring are.

In truth, strong and stubborn Daylam, after hardship,

refused the life of ease and chose the heat over shade.

Most of the lush places of Iraq belonged

to my close kin, when the cooking pots of Kisra were
boiling.1052

My lineage [I trace to] a brave one; no matter how much I have
grown, my station [in life]
is just like the end of every stick, at the root.

[1993] (My ancestors) left my way level, and they fortified

my mountain roads with good sayings and abundant noble
deeds.

Our glory is not from the ignorance1053 of those of enmity;

God insisted on being glorious despite ignorance.

(The enemy) did not divert us in times of peace from the family
of Ahmad,1054

nor did they detract from Islam since they embraced Islam
before me.

And if a bucketful of [the deeds of] my tribe had sprinkled me,

I would want my bucketful to drown them.

1051. The departure on a desert voyage (?u'n) is a common part of the
classical qasida or ode.
ro52. I.e., in the heyday of Kisra.

1053. Or “barbarity, coarseness": jahl.

1054. I.e., from Islam; Ahmad = Muhammad.

The People of the Yemen a Second Time

169

Fayruz continued in his war and devoted himself to it. He sent
a messenger to the Banu 'Uqayl b. [Ka'b b.] Rabfah b. 'Amir b.
$a'sa'ah1055 [informing them] that he was taking refuge with
them and asking them for reinforcements and assistance in
bearing down on those who were disturbing the households of
the Abna’. And he sent a messenger to Akk, asking them for
reinforcements and assistance against those who were disturbing
the households of the Abna’. So 'Uqayl mounted — they were
led by a man of the allies called Mu'awiyah — so that they
confronted the cavalry of Qays and then rescued those families.

They killed those who were making them march into exile and
barred them from the villages until Fayruz returned to San'a\

'Akk, led by Masruq, sprang up to march until they rescued the
families of the Abna’, and barred them1056 from the villages
until Fayruz returned to §an'a\ 'Uqayl and 'Akk reinforced
Fayruz with men. After their reinforcements reached him among
those who had gathered to him, he went out at the head of those
who had congregated to him and those who had reinforced him [1994]
from 'Akk and 'Uqayl; then he clashed with Qays, so that they
met before $an'a\ Then they fought, whereupon God routed
Qays at the head of his tribe and those who had risen up. So he
departed in flight with his army until he returned with them;
they returned to the place in which they had hurried when they
fled after the murder of al-'AnsI. Qays was in command of them.

The faction of al-'Ansi, and Qays with them, were in a commo¬
tion between §an'a’ and Najran. 'Amr b. Ma'dikarib was facing
Farwah b. Musayk in obedience to al-'Ansi.

According to al-Sari— Shu'ayb — Sayf — 'Atiyyah — 'Amr b. Sa-
lamah:1057 Part of the affair of Farwah b. Musayk was that he
had come to the Apostle of God as a Muslim. About that he
said:

1055. A powerful and wide-ranging tribe of the 'Amir group, centered around
Jabal Tuwayq in central Arabia. Cf. Caskel, II, 365, s.v. "Ka'b b. Rabi'a b. 'Amir."

1056. Presumably referring to those who had been marching the Abna’
families into exile, but who are not mentioned in this sentence as they are in the
preceding one. It seems probable that this repeat of the earlier phrase constitutes
a dittography, rather than part of Tabari's original text.

1057. Cf. Ibn al-Athlr, Kamil, II, 377.

The Conquest of Arabia

170

When I saw the kings of Himyar, they shied away

like the leg whose sciatic nerve betrayed it.1058
I steered my she-camel before Muhammad;

I desire benefits and good praise for her.

Among the things the Apostle of God said to him was, "Did
what befell your tribe on the day of al-Razm displease you, oh
Farwah, or please you?" He replied, "Anyone whose tribe was
afflicted as much as my tribe was afflicted on the day of al-Razm
would dislike that." (Now the day of al-Razm was [a battle]
between (Murad) and the Hamdan over Yaghuth, an idol that
was sometimes with the former and sometimes with the latter.
Then Murad desired to take sole control of it from (Hamdan)
during their time; but Hamdan slaughtered them and their
chief, al-Ajda', the father of Masruq.) So the Apostle of God
said, "Indeed, that only increased their good standing in Islam."
Whereupon (Farwah) replied, "It would please me if that were
[so]." So the Apostle of God appointed him over the sadaqah
taxes of Murad and whoever resided with them or dwelt in their
[1995] territory.1059 'Amr b. Ma'dikarib had abandoned his tribe, Sa'd
al-Ashirah, leading Banu Zubayd1060 and its allies, and he joined
(Murad) and embraced Islam with them; he was in charge of
them.1061 Then, when al-Ansi apostatized and most people of
Madhhij followed him, Farwah withdrew, leading those who
stood fast in Islam with him, whereas Amr was one of those
who apostatized. So al-Ansi appointed him deputy and put him
opposite Farwah so that he was facing him. Each one of them
stayed put because of his counterpart's being in plain view, so
the two of them exchanged poetry. Amr said, mentioning the
command of Farwah and denouncing it:

We have found the kingship of Farwah to be the worst of

kingships;

[he is] an ass whose nostrils sniff some filth.

1058. I.e., made it unable to walk because of pain.

1059. Dai.

1060. Sa'd al-'Ashirah was a confederation within Madhhij, and Zubayd a
section within Madhhij living a sedentary life in the Wadi Tathlith. Cf. Caskel,
II, 493 and 608.

1061. wa kana fi-him.

The People of the Yemen a Second Time

171

Whenever you saw Abu 'Umayr,

you were looking upon the amniotic bag of foulness and
afterbirth.1062

So Farwah responded to him:

Some talk has reached me from Abu Thawr;

Of old he used to run among the mules.

God used to hate him before

for what there was of foulness and afterbirth.

While the two of them were doing that, 'Ikrimah came to
Abyan.1063

According to al-Sarl — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Sahl — al-Qasim and
Musa b. al-Ghusn — Ibn Muhayriz:1064 Then 'Ikrimah went out
from Mahrah, marching towards the Yemen, until he came
to Abyan. With him were many people from Mahrah, Sa'd b.
Zayd,1065 al-Azd, Najiyah, 'Abd al-Qays, and Hudban of Banu
Malik b. Kinanah1066 and 'Amr b. Jundab from al-'Anbar.1067
Then he gathered al-Nakha' after he struck those of them who
had retreated, and said to them, "What was your position1068 in
this matter?" At this they told him, "During the jdhiliyyah we
were the people of a religion,1069 not dealing [with people) the
way some of the Arabs used to deal with others. All the more so
since we have come to a religion whose merit we recognize and
which we have come to love."1070 Whereupon he asked about
them, [and found that] the situation was as they said. Their

io6z. Or "treachery" ( al-ghadr also in poem immediately following.

1063. A place in the mountains near Aden; also a place on the coast near
Aden and a district near 'Aden; cf. El2, s.v. "Abyan" (O. Lofgren); Yaqut, s,v.

1064. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 377 bottom.

1065. Either the tribe of Sa'd b. Zaydmanat of Tamim, or Sa'd Hudhaym b.
Zayd.

1066. Hudban b. Jadhlmah was part of Malik b. Kinanah; cf. Caskel, I, Table
47, II, 3i7-

1067. 'Amr b. Jundab was a branch of Banu 'Anbar of 'Amr b. Tamim; cf.
Caskel I, Table 81, II, 173.

1068. Lit., "how were you . . . ?"

1069. din-, presumably meaning here a revealed religion such as Christianity,
not pre-Islamic Arabian polytheism.

1070. Fa-kayfa bind idha sirna ila dinin 'arafnd fadlahu.

[1996]

172.

The Conquest of Arabia

common people stood fast [in the faith), and those of their
notables who had withdrawn fled. ('Ikrimah) purged1071 al-
Nakha' and Himyar and remained so they could gather 'round
him. When 'Ikrimah descended upon the Yemen, Qays b. 'Abd
Yaghuth fled to 'Amr b. Ma'dikarib; but after he had joined
him, a dispute broke out between them and they found fault
with one another. Then 'Amr b. Ma'dikarib said, reproaching
Qays for his treachery toward the Abna’ and his killing of Dad-
ha wayh, and mentioning his flight from Fayruz:

You acted treacherously and did not do well in faithfulness; no
one can

endure [such] deeds except the one who is accustomed.

How could Qays exalt himself

if he were to compete with a [truly] noble leader?

And Qays said:

I was faithful to my tribe and, preparing for action, I gathered [to
meet] a company

that struck 'Amr and Marthad despite the tribes.

When I met the Abna’, I was to them

like a lion who aspires to lionhood through might.

And 'Amr B. Ma'dikarib said:

Dadhawayfh] is not [a source of] glory for you,-

rather, Dadhawayfh] disgraced what must be protected.

And Fayruz by morning spread affliction among you
and remained in your groups and sought refuge.

[1997] The Story of Tahir When He Marched to Reinforce

Fayruz

Abu Ja'far al-Tabari said: Abu Bakr had written to Tahir b. Abi
Halah and to Masruq to go down to $an'a’ and to assist the
Abna’; so the two of them went out until they came to $an'a\
and he wrote [also] to 'Abdallah b. Thawr b. Asghar1072 to gather

1071. Istabiaa.

1072.. Cf. Tabari, I, 2136: of Ghawth (Tayyi’j.

The Story of Tahir

i73

to himself the Arabs and those people of the Tihamah who
responded to him, and then to remain in his place until his
command should reach him. Now1073 [the story of) the first
apostasy of 'Amr b. Ma'dikarib was that he had been with
Khalid b. Said, but he clashed with him and responded [favor¬
ably) to al-Aswad. So Khalid b. Said marched against him until
he encountered him,- then they exchanged two blows. Khalid
struck (Amr) on his shoulder, severing the harness for his
sword, which fell, and the blow reached his shoulder. Amr
struck (Khalid), but did not produce any effect. Then when Kha¬
lid wished to [strike himj a second time, (Amr) dismounted and
climbed up into the mountains [in flight). (Khalid) plundered
him of his horse and his sword, "The Persistent"; Amr took
refuge among those to whom he fled.

Now the estate of the family of Said b. al-As the Elder
became the property of Said b. al-As the Younger/074 then,
after (Said the Younger) was appointed [to govern) al-Kufah,
Amr [b. Ma'dikarib] offered him his daughter [in marriage],
but he did not accept her. (Said) came to (Amr) in his house,
bringing a number of swords that Khalid had taken in the
Yemen. Whereupon (Said) said, "Which of them is 'The
Persistent'?" (Amr) said, "This one." [So] he said [to Amr],
"Take it, it is yours." So he took it. Then he saddled a mule of
his and struck the pad [with the sword], severing it and the
saddle, and making the mule hurry. Then he returned it to
Said, saying, "If you had visited me in my house and it was
mine, I would have given it to you. But I cannot accept it since it
fell."

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — al-Mustanir b. Yazid —
'Urwah b. Ghaziyyah and Musa — Abu Zur'ah al-Shaybani:1075
When al-Muhajir b. Abi Umayyah left Abu Bakr — he was among
the last who left — he took the Mecca road. So he passed by it,
whereupon Khalid b. Asid followed him; and he passed by al-

1073. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 377.

1074. Sa'id b. al-'As the Younger, of the Umayyah clan of Quraysh, was
grandson of Sa'id the Elder; Cf. Caskel, II, 500.

1075. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, II, 377-78. Text, following Mss, has "al-Saybanl," but
cf. p. 34.

[1998)

174

The Conquest of Arabia

Ta’if, upon which 'Abd al-Rahman b. Abi al-'As followed him.
Then he continued on until, when he was opposite Jarir b. 'Abd¬
allah, he joined him to him(self); and Abdallah b. Thawr joined
him when he was opposite him. Then he came to the people of
Najran, upon which Farwah b. Musayk joined him. 'Amr b.
Ma'dikarib abandoned Qays [b. Abd Yaghuth] and approached
in response until he entered upon al-Muhajir without any [pledge
of] protection. So al-Muhajir tied him up, and he tied up Qays,
and wrote of their situation to Abu Bakr and sent the two of
them to him. Then, when al-Muhajir marched from Najran to
the Lahjites1076 and the cavalry gathered against those fugitive
soldiers, they demanded protection. But he refused to give them
security, whereupon they separated into two groups. So al-Mu-
hajir encountered one of [the two groups] at 'Ajlb,1077 destroying
them. His cavalry found the other on the "road of the wicked
ones," destroying them and the cavalry of Abdallah. He killed
the scattered remnants on every byway.

Then Qays and Amr were brought before Abu Bakr; so he
said, "Oh Qays, did you wage aggression against the servants of
God, killing them and adopting as followers the apostates and
polytheists, to the exclusion of the believers?" Now he intended
[i 999] to kill him if he found a clear case. Qays denied that he was in
any way involved in the affair of Dadhawayh, for that deed had
been done in secret, of which there was no evidence. So (Abu
Bakr) shrank from [taking] his blood. To Amr b. Ma'dikarib
(Abu Bakr) said, "Aren't you ashamed that you are every day
defeated or captive? If you had aided this religion, God would
have exalted you." Then he released him, and returned the two
of them to their tribes. Amr said, "There is no avoiding it;
verily I shall consent [to embrace Islam], and not recant."

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb— Sayf— al-Mustanir and Musa:
Al-Muhajir marched from 'Ajib until he descended upon San'a’.
He commanded that the scattered [men] of the tribes who had

1076. Al-Lahjiyyah. Wellhausen, Skizzeti, VI, 150, wished to read this as
"al-Rafidah." Lahj is a town in southwestern Arabia, ca. 25 km northwest of
Aden, and surrounding district. Cf. El2, s.v. "Lahdj" (G. R. Smith).

1077. Yaqut, doubtless basing his remark on this account, describes it only as
“a place in Yemen."

The Account of Hadramawt 175

fled should be pursued, so they killed those of them they could
by every means. He did not pardon [anyj rebel; {but] he accepted
the penance of those who repented without rebellion. They did
that to the extent that they saw [justification in] the actions {of
the repenting people], and [to the extent that] they held some
hope {of finding] them. He wrote to Abu Bakr about his entry
into San'a’ and about the consequences of that.

The Account of Hadramawt during Their Apostasy

According to Abu Ja'far — al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Sahl b. Yu¬
suf — al-$alt — Kathir b. al-$alt:1078 [When] the Apostle of God
died, his governors over the country of Hadramawt [were] Ziyad
b. Labld al-Bayadi over Hadramawt, 'Ukkashah b. Thawr1079 over
the Sakasik and Sakun, and al-Muhajir over Kindah. (Al-Muhajir)
was [still] in Medina; he did not go out until [after] the Apostle of
God died; so Abu Bakr sent him afterward to fight those in the
Yemen, and to continue on afterward to his governorship (' amal ). [2000]

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Abu al-Sa’ib Ata’ b.

Fulan al-Makhzumi — his father — Umm Salamah and al-Muhajir
b. Abl Umayyah:1080 (Al-Muhajir) had held back from [the raid
on] Tabuk, so the Apostle of God returned angry with him. While
Umm Salamah1081 was washing the head of the Apostle of God,
she said, "How can I enjoy anything1082 while you are angry with
my brother?" Then she noticed some pity on his part, so she
nodded to her manservant; then she left him, and he remained
with the Apostle of God seeking1083 (al-Muhajir's) forgiveness
until he forgave him and became pleased with him and appointed

1078. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 378.

1079. Text has 'Ukkashah b. Mihsan, but this seems an error; cf. Wellhausen,
Skizzen, VI, 150 and pp. 19-10, above. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 378, has
'Ukkashah b. Abi Umayyah, presumably a conflation with the name of al-
Muhajir jb. Abi Umayyah] on the next line.

1080. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 378.

1081. One of the Prophet's wives, sister of al-Muhajir. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Usd,
V, 588.

1082. Lit., "How can anything profit me?" Ibn al-Athir, Kamil: "How can life
profit me?"

1083. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil: mentioning.

176

The Conquest of Arabia

him over Kindah. Subsequently (al-Muhajir) fell ill and was
unable to go out [to his governorship], so (the Apostle) wrote
to Ziyad to occupy his governorship for him. (Al-Muhajir) be¬
came well afterward; then Abu Bakr confirmed his command
and ordered him to fight whoever was between Najran and the
farthest [corner] of the Yemen. For that reason, Ziyad and 'Uk-
kashah were slow to fight the Kindah, as they were waiting for
him.

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Sahl b. Yusuf — al-
Qasim b. Muhammad: 1084 The cause of the apostasy of Kindah
and1085 their responding [favorably] to al-Aswad al-'AnsI, so
that the Apostle of God cursed the four kings,1086 was [as
follows]: When they had embraced Islam before their apostasy
and all the people of the Hadramawt country had embraced
Islam, the Apostle of God, among what was being imposed by
way of sadaqah taxes, had ordered that the sadaqah tax of part
of Hadramawt be assigned among the Kindah, and he assigned
the sadaqah tax of the Kindah among part of the Hadramawt;
[likewise he assigned] part of the [tax of] Hadramawt among the
Sakun, and [the tax of] the Sakun among part of the Hadramawt.
Then some people of Banu Wali'ah1087 said, "Oh Apostle of
God, we are not possessors of camels; do you think (Hadramawt)
would send (the tax) to us on pack camels?" So he asked
[Hadramawt] what they thought was proper.1088 They said, "We
1] shall look [into it], and if they really have no camels we shall
do it." Now after the Apostle of God had died and that time
came,1089 Ziyad summoned the people to [fulfill] that. So they
gathered to him, whereupon Banu Wali'ah said [to Hadramawt],
"Pay us [the camels] as you promised the Apostle of God!" But
they (Hadramawt) said, "You have pack camels, so go on!"1090

1084. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 378-79.

1085. Reading with Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, and Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI, 150.

1086. On the "four kings" of Kindah, cf. p. 180, below.

1087. A clan of Kindah, according to Ibn Manzur, VIII, 411 and Ibn al-Athir,
Kamil.

1088. The text is awkward. Lit., "So he said, 'If you think proper.'"

1089. Presumably the time when the payment of tax was due. Wa ja’a
dhalika al-ibbdn.

1090. I.e., "so go get it yourselves."

The Account of Hadramawt

177

At this (Banu Wali'ah) became angry and quarreled with them,
to the point that they quarreled with Ziyad [also], saying to him,
"You are [siding] with them, against us." Subsequently the
Hadramis refused [to send any sadaqah ] while the Kindis
insisted, so they returned to their homes and bided their time.
Ziyad kept aloof from (the Hadramis), waiting for al-Muhajir.
When al-Muhajir reached San'a’ and wrote to Abu Bakr about
everything that he had done, he remained [there] until the reply
to his letter came from Abu Bakr. Abu Bakr wrote to him and to
'Ikrima that they should march until they reached Hadramawt,
and confirm Ziyad over his governorship, and permit those who
were with them from [the country] between Mecca and the
Yemen to return home, unless a group preferred jihad, [in which
case] he would reinforce him with 'Ubaydah b. Sa'd. So he did
[that]. Then al-Muhajir marched from $an'a’ heading for
Hadramawt, and 'Ikrimah marched from Abyan heading for
Hadramawt; so the two of them met at Ma rib. Then they
entered the desert from §ayhad1091 until they fell upon
Hadramawt, one of them staying with al-Ash'ath1092 and the
other with Wa’il.1093

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Sahl b. Yusuf — his
father — Kathir b. al-§alt:1094 When the Kindis returned [to their
homes] and became obstinate and the Hadramis became ob¬
stinate, Ziyad b. Labid administered the sadaqah taxes of Banu
A.mr b. Mu'awiyah himself, approaching them while they
were in al-Riyad1095 and collecting the sadaqah tax from the
first of them whom he reached, a youth called Shaytan b. Hujr.
He admired one of the young she-camels of the sadaqah tax and
called for fire and put the branding iron to her. Now the she-
camel belonged to the brother of al-Shaytan, al-Adda’ b. Hujr,

1091. Text has Sahid, manuscripts have other variants. Cf. note 143, above.

1092. Text has "al-Aswad"; cf. Emendanda.

1093. Perhaps Wa’il b. Hujr al-Hadrami, said by Ibn al-Athlr to have been
appointed by the Prophet over the chiefs [aqyal] of Hadramawt; cf. Ibn al-Athir,
Usd, V, 81-82.

1094. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 379-81 (through, p. 185, below); Baladhuri,
Futuh, 100; Balansi, 161-62.

1095. Or "the meadows." Cf. p. 156, above, on Riyad al-Rawdah.

[2002]

I7«

The Conquest of Arabia

who owed no sadaqah tax; but his brother had made a mistake
when he gave her out [in payment], thinking that she was
another [camel]. So al-'Adda’ said, "This is Nugget," [calling
the camel] by her name. At this al-Shaytan said, "My brother is
right; I only gave her to you because I thought she was another.
So release Nugget and take another, for she is not one to be
relinquished." But Ziyad thought that that was [merely] a pre¬
text of his, and accused him of unbelief and of being estranged
from Islam and of intending evil; so he grew hot [with anger],
and the two men did also. So Ziyad said, "No, she will not be
given up. She is not yours; the branding-iron of the sadaqah has
fallen upon her and she has become God's property.1096 There is
no way to return her, so may Nugget not weigh upon you like al-
Basus."1097 At this al-'Adda’ called out, "Oh family of 'Amr
in al-Riyad! I am being wronged and oppressed! Contemptible is
whoever is destroyed in his own abode!" He called out, "Oh Abu
al-Sumayt!" So Abu al-Sumayt Harithah b. Suraqah b.
Ma'dikarib1098 approached and headed for Ziyad b. Labxd while
he was standing [there], and said to him, "Let this youth have
his she-camel, and take a [different] camel in her place, for it
is only a camel instead of [another] camel." But (Ziyad) said,
"There is no way to [do] that." At this (Abu al-Sumayt) replied,
"That [would be so only] if you were a Jew"; and he turned to
her and released her tether. Then he struck her on the side,
sending her off.1099 He stood up near her while saying:

She is protected by an old man with white hair on his cheeks,
mottled as the robe is mottled.

So Ziyad ordered some youths of Hadramawt and al-Sakun on
{2003] him; they roughed him up and trampled him and handcuffed
him and his companions and took them hostage, and they seized

1096. haqq Allah.

1097. Fa-la takunanna Shadharatun 'alaykum ka-l-basus. Probably a
reference to the she-camel of al-Basus bt. Munqidh, the killing (or wounding) of
which precipated a bitter feud between the tribes of Bakr and Taghlib, according
to legend. This she-camel became proverbial for something unlucky ( ash’amu
min ndqat al-Basus). Cf. El2, s.v. "Al-Basus" (J. W. Fuck); Ibn Manzur, VI, 28.

1098. Cf. Balansi, i6i-6z.

1099. Or perhaps, "making her get up" [fa-ba atha-ha).

The Account of Hadramawt 179

the she-camel and fettered her as she had been. About that Ziyad
b. Labld said:

A whole company of riders could not protect Nugget [from being
taken],

but the old man may turn it back. . . .uo°

The people of al-Riyad cried out to one another and called each
other. Banu Mu'awiyah [b. Kindah] became angry on behalf of
Harithah and openly showed their attitude. The Sakun became
angry on behalf of Ziyad, as did the Hadramawt, and they stood
together to defend him. There gathered two great armies [drawn]
from the former and the latter. Banu Mu'awiyah did not in¬
itiate anything because of the existence of their captives, and
[so] the companions of Ziyad did not find any pretext for taking
on the Banu Mu'awiyah. Then Ziyad sent to them: "Either put
down [your] weapons or give notice of war." So to this they
replied, "We shall never put down [our] weapons, until you have
sent our [captive] companions." To this Ziyad said, "They shall
never be sent until you disperse in abasement and shame. Oh
most wicked of people, are you not inhabitants of Hadramawt,
and protected neighbors1101 of al-Sakun? Then what can you be
and do in the abode of Hadramawt and at the side of your
masters, [except follow them]?" The Sakun said to (Ziyad),

"Rush the group, for only that will disengage them." So he
rushed upon them by night, killing some of them, and they fled
in groups, going in every direction. Ziyad quoted, when morning
found him in their camp:

I was not a man to start war unjustly,

but, when they refused, I was obliging in the War of
Hatib.1102

After the group had fled, he let the three people go; and Ziyad
returned to his residence in victory. After the captives returned [2004]

1 100. The second hemistich reads: wa al-shaykhu qad yathni-hi urjub. The
final word is unknown; cf. manuscript C, which has arhub or urhub.
no 1. jiran.

1 ioz. The War of Hatib was a major clash among the Arab clans of Medina on
the eve of Islam, which ended indecisively in the bloody battle of Bu'ath. Cf.
Watt, Muhammad at Medina, 156-58.

180 The Conquest of Arabia

to their companions, they chided them so that they incited one
another to fight, saying, "This country is not fit for us or for
them until it becomes free for one of the two groups." So they
gathered and formed an army together, and called for with¬
holding the sadaqah tax. But Ziyad left them [alone], and did not
go out against them; so that they left off marching against him.
He sent al-Husayn b. Numayr1103 to them, and he kept seeking
reconciliation of what divided them from Ziyad, Hadramawt,
and al-Sakun, until they calmed one another down. This was the
second secession; about that al-Sakuni said:

By my life — and my life is not something taken lightly! —

Banu 'Amr could draw bitter things from it.

You lied; by the house of God, you do not hold it back from
Ziyad after we had come to Ziyad as equals.

They remained a little while after that; then Banu 'Amr
b. Mu'awiyah especially went out to the reserved places of
pasture1104 — to pastures that they had restricted [from public
use). So Jamad encamped in a reserved pasture, Mikhwas in a
reserved pasture, Mishrah and Abda'ah1105 in others, and their
sister al-'Amarradah in a reserved pasture. The Banu 'Amr b.
Mu'awiyah were under these leaders,1106 and Banu al-Harith b.
Mu'awiyah encamped in their reserved pastures, such that al-
Ash'ath b. Qays encamped in a reserved pasture, and al-Simt b.
al-Aswad1107 in a pasture. All of [Banu] Mu'awiyah agreed to
withhold the sadaqah tax and resolved unanimously to apos-

1 103. Two individuals bear this name: one, an An sari, participated in the con¬
quest of Tabuk and may have been 'Umar's governor of al-Urdunn; the other, of
Sakun, was commander of the army sent against Mecca by the Umayyad caliph
Yazid I in the early ad 680s. Cf. Ibn Hajar, Isdbah, s.vv.

1104. Mahajir (sing, mahjar). The following three words, ild ' ahma ’ hamaw-
hd, appear to be a gloss clarifying the meaning of mabjar in terms of the more
familiar word hima, which has the same meaning.

1105. The four kings of Banu Wali'ah/Banu Mu'awiyah b. Kinda, who
embraced Islam and then apostatized. Cf. Caskel, II, 409 (s.v. "MiSrah b.
Ma'dikarib"); p. 176, above; Baladhuri, Futuh, 101.

1106. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 380: "They were the four kings, the chiefs of
'Amr whom the Apostle of God had cursed."

1107. Chief of Kindah; his deeds are confused with those of his son Shurahbil
b. al-Simt. Cf. Caskel, II, 5 23 ■, Ibn Hajar, Isdbah, s.v.v.

The Account of Hadramawt 181

tatize, except for Shurahbil b. al-Simt and his son; the two of
them stood up among the Banu Mu'awiyah and said, "By God,
this is disgraceful for tribes of free men. [For] noble men, even
when [committed] to a doubtful [cause], consider themselves
more noble than to change from it to a better one, out of
fear of the disgrace [of changing sides]. How, then, [can you
countenance] turning back from what is proper and true to [2005]
what is false and shameful? Oh God, we do not help our tribe
with this! We regret their joining together to this day"— meaning
the day of the she-camel and the day of the secession.

Shurahbil b. al-Simt and his son, al-Simt, went out until they
came to Ziyad b. Labid and joined him. Ibn $alih and Imru’ al-
Qays b. 'Abis1108 [also] went out until they came to Ziyad and
said to him, "Attack the enemy by night, for groups of al-Sakasik
have joined them, and a group of al-Sakun and isolated indi¬
viduals from Hadramawt have hurried to them. Perhaps we may
deliver to them a blow that will bequeath enmity between us
and draw a distinction between us. If you refuse, we fear that the
people will drift from us to them, while the enemy are raiding
the place of those who have come to you, hoping [to conquer]
those who remained [behind]." At this, he said, "Carry out your
plan." So1109 they gathered their troop and came on (the Banu
Amr b. Mu'awiyah) by night in their reserved pastures,
finding them sitting around their fires. They knew whom they
wanted, so they fell upon the Banu 'Amr b. Mu'awiyah from
five directions in five groups, for they were the majority of the
enemy and the strongest1110 of them. Thus they struck down
Mishrah, Mikhwas, Jamad,1111 Abda'ah, and their sister al-
'Amarradah. The curse [of the Prophet] reached them. They
killed many, and those who could do so fled. Banu 'Amr b.
Mu'awiyah were so weakened that they [never] recovered after
it.

1 108. Poet of Kindah, said to have come to the Prophet in a delegation of his
tribe and to have remained loyal to Medina during the riddah.

1109. Cf. BalansI, 163.

1 1 10. Or, perhaps, “bravest" or "best armed": shawkatu-hum, lit., "their
thorn."

mi. Balansi: famd.

The Conquest of Arabia

182,

Ziyad took away the captives and the flocks, 11 12 and took a
road that brought them to the army of al-Ash'ath and the Banu
al-Harith b. Mu'awiyah. So when they passed by them in it,
the womenfolk of Banu 'Amr b. Mu'awiyah asked Banu al-
Harith for help, and called to him: "Oh Ash'ath! Oh Ash'ath!
Your maternal aunts! Your maternal aunts!" At this, Banu al-
Harith became stirred up to rescue them. This [was] the third
[secession]. Al-Ash'ath said:

I defended Banu 'Amr after their troop had come

with more goats and more prisoners than the day of al-
Budayd.1113

[2006] Now al-Ash'ath knew that Ziyad and his army, if they learned
of that, would not desist from [attacking] him nor from Banu al-
Harith b. Mu'awiyah and Banu 'Amr b. Mu'awiyah; so he
gathered to himjself] Banu al-Harith b. Mu'awiyah and Banu
'Amr b. Mu'awiyah and those who obeyed them of al-Sakasik
and small groups1114 of whatever tribes were around them.
Those tribes who were in Hadramawt became estranged from
one another because of this battle. Ziyad's companions stood
firm in obedience to Ziyad, and Kindah was unyielding; so after
the tribes had become estranged from one another, Ziyad wrote
to al-Muhajir and the people1115 corresponded with him, meet¬
ing him with the letter after he had crossed $ayhad,1116 a desert
between Ma’rib and Hadramawt. He left 'Ikrimah in charge of
the army and hurried ahead with the fastest troops. Then he
marched until he came upon Ziyad, whereupon he rushed upon
Kindah, who were led by al-Ash'ath, so that they met in the
reserved pasture ( mahjar ) of al-Zurqan1117 and fought in it.

mz. Or "property" [am wal).

11 13. Possibly a watering place m Tayyi’ country in north central Arabia; cf.
Yaqut, s.v.

11 14. Khasais. This rendering seems more natural to me than that proposed
by De Goeje, "[people of] huts"; cf. Glossary, s.v. "Khasa’is."

hi 5. Or "the army": al-nas.

1 1 16. Mss. B and C have Sahbadh and Sahyad, respectively, but cf. note 143,
above.

1 1 17. Yaqut's information on al-Zurqan is derived from this account.

The Account of Hadramawt 183

Consequently Kindah were defeated and killed. They went out
in flight and took refuge in al-Nujayr,1118 having repaired and
fortified it [beforehand]. Al-Muhajir said regarding the day of the
reserved pasture of al-Zurqan:

We were at Zurqan when you were dispersed by
a sea that drives firewood in its waves.

We slew you in your reserved pasture
until you rode off out of fear of us,

To a fortress the easiest [part) of whose [conquest] is

capturing the offspring and driving them off at a brisk pace.

Al-Muhajir marched with the people from the reserved pasture
of al-Zurqan until he descended upon al-Nujayr, the Kindah [2007]
having gathered there and fortified themselves in it. With them
were those whom they had asked for help from al-Sakasik and
isolated individuals from al-Sakun and Hadramawt. Now al-
Nujayr is at [the intersection of] three roads; so Ziyad descended
upon one of them, and al-Muhajir upon another, and the third
was [free] for them to come and go until 'Ikrimah should arrive
with the army. Then he settled ('Ikrimah) upon that [third]
road, so that he cut off (Kindah's) supplies and repulsed them.

He divided the cavalry among Kindah and ordered them to crush
them. Among those whom he sent was Yazid b. Qanan of Banu
Malik b. Sa'd;1119 so he killed those who were in the settle¬
ments of Banu Hind1120 as far as Barahut.1121 Among those
whom he dispatched to the coast were Khalid b. Fulan al-
Makhzumi and Rabi'ah al-Hadrami; they killed the people of
Maha and other clans. Kindah learned what had befallen the rest
of their people while they were in their fortress, so they said,

"Death is better than the situation you find yourselves in [now];
shear your forelocks, so that you are like a people who have
given your souls to God — so may He be gracious to you, and

1 1 18. A famous old fort in Yemen; cf. Hamdani, 87, 203. Yaqut, s.v. gives, in a
long entry, a summary of the events of this chapter of the riddah, but little
additional information on al-Nujayr.

n 19. A branch of Zaydmanat of Tamimf cf. Caskel, I, Table 75 and II, 394.
1120. A branch of Kindah; cf. Caskel, I, Table 234 and II, 283.

1 i2i. An old well in lower Hadramawt; cf. Hamdani, 128, 201.

184

The Conquest of Arabia

may you return [from God] with His blessings! Perhaps He will
assist you against these tyrants." So they sheared their forelocks
and made a pact, agreeing that no one of them would flee
leaving another behind. Their poet began to recite rajaz 1122 in
the middle of the night from the top of their fortress:

A morning of evil for Banu Qatxrah1123

and for the commander from Banu al-Mughirah.1124

The Muslims' poet, Ziyad b. Dinar, took to replying to them:

Do not threaten us and endure the confinement.

We are the cavalry of the child of al-Mughirah.

In the morning the tribe shall be victorious.

[1008] When it was morning, they went out against the people, killing
in the courtyards of al-Nujayr until there were many slain
opposite each one of the three roads. On that day, 'Ikrimah
began to recite rajaz , saying:

I pierce them while I am in haste,

A piercing that I will repeat1125 [when] on the way back.

He also said:

My word was spent; indeed it has effect,

And everyone who seeks my protection is protected.

So Kindah was vanquished, they having killed many of them.

According to Hisham b. Muhammad:1126 After al-Muhajir had
finished with the enemy, 'Ikrimah b. Abl Jahl came as a re¬
inforcement for him. So Ziyad and al-Muhajir said to those who
were with them, "Your brethren have arrived as reinforcement
for you [only] after you had [completed] the conquest; but let
them share in the booty [anyway]." So they did that and allowed

jizz. A common form of verse in iambic meter.

11Z3. Qatrrah b. Harithah was a branch of Sakun/Kindah, cf. Caskel, II, 468.
Balansi, i^ff., vocalizes the name "Qufayrah." However, the rhyme makes it
obvious that Qatirah is the correct form.

1124. The clan of Makhzum (of Quraysh) to which Tknmah b. Abi Jahl
belonged; cf. Caskel, I, Tables zz and 23; El 2, s.v. "Makhzum" |M. Hinds).

1125. Reading with Cairo, instead of "that I confess" in the text.

1126. Cf. Ibn al-Athlr, Kamil, II, 382.

The Account of Hadramawt 185

those who joined them to share [the booty], recommending that
to each other. They sent the fifths [of booty] and the captives
[to Medina]; the heralds marched so that they got there before
them. (The heralds) were spreading the news among the tribes
and reading to them [news of]1127 the conquest.

According to al-Sari: Abu Bakr wrote to al-Muhajir with al-
Mughirah b. Shu'bah:1128 "If this letter of mine reaches you
before you have achieved victory, then — if you conquer the
enemy— kill the fighting men and take the offspring captive if
you took them by force, or let them fall under my verdict.1129 If
[on the other hand] you have [already] concluded a treaty with
them before (my letter reaches you), then [let it be] on condition
that you expel them from their abodes; for I am averse to leaving
intact in their homes enemies who have done what they did. Let
them know that they had done evil, and let them taste the
offensiveness of some of what they did."

According to Abu Ja'far:1130 When the people of al-Nujayr saw [2009]
that the Muslims' supplies were not cut off and they ascertained
that (the Muslims) would not turn back from them, their souls
were filled with fear. They feared being killed, and the leaders
feared for themselves. If they held out until al-Mughirah should
arrive, they would have been saved because they had [concluded]
a treaty for the third time on condition of being expelled. Al-
Ash'ath hurried to go out to 'Ikrimah with an assurance of
protection. (Al-Ash'ath) did not trust anyone else. That was
because ('Ikrimah) was married to Asma’ bt. al-Nu'man b. Abi
al-Jawn;1131 he had become engaged to her while he was in al¬

ii 27. Ms. B adds kitab, "the letter" or "the book" (about the conquest). Cf.
Wellhausen, Skizzen, VI, 150 on basbir as "heralds."

nz8. A felon from al-Ta’if who fled to Medina and attached himself to the
Prophet's entourage as bodyguard and military commander; later employed as
emissary and governor by the caliphs. Cf. Caskel, II, 419-20.

1129. Hukm. I.e., let them surrender unconditionally, so that they fall under
my verdict.

1130. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 381.

1131- Emendanda proposes "...al-Nu'man b. al-Jawn," but sources vary on
the name; Cf. Caskel, II, 451 ("al-Nu'man b. 'Amr b. Muawiya"); cf. Ibn al-
Athir, Usd, V, 396-98; Ibn Sa'd, VIII, 102-5; and p. 190, below. Asma’ was a
noble Kindi te woman whose marriage to the Prophet was never consummated.
Subsequently she married both al-Muhajir b. Abi Umayyah and 'Ikrimah b. Abi
Jahl.

i86

The Conquest of Arabia

Janad1132 awaiting al-Muhajir, so her father presented her to him
before they set out. So 'Ikrimah conveyed (al-Ash'ath) to al-
Muhajir and asked him to grant him protection for his life and
nine people with him, on condition that he should stand as
surety for them and their families if they would open the gate
for them. So he complied with his [request] in this, and said,
"Go away so as to save yourself; then bring me your letter so I
may seal it."

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Abu Ishaq al-Shayba-
ni — Sa'Id b. Abi Burdah— Amir:1133 (Al-Ash'ath) came to him
and requested protection for his family, his property, and nine of
those whom he wished, on condition that he would open the
gate for them so that they could enter in upon his tribe. Where¬
upon al-Muhajir said to him, "Write down what you want, and
be quick about it"; so he wrote his pledge of security and one for
them. Among them were his brother and his paternal cousins
and their families; but, in [his] haste and perplexity, he forget [to
include] himself. Then he brought the letter, whereupon (al-
Muhajir) sealed it and went back, letting those [mentioned] in
the letter go their way.

According to Al-Ajlah and al-Mujalid: When the only thing
remaining was for (al-Ash'ath) to write himself [into the pledge
of security], [someone named) Jahdam pounced upon him with a
blade and said, "Your life unless you write me [into it!]" So he
wrote him [into it] and left himself out.

According to Abu Ishaq:1134 After (al-Ash'ath) opened the
[2010] gate, the Muslims rushed upon [al-Nujayr], not letting any com¬
batant go, but rather killing them by cutting off their heads
while in captivity. One thousand of the women of al-Nujayr and
al-Khandaq were counted up, and guards were placed among the
captives and booty. Kathir1135 agreed with them [in their re¬
counting of events].

According to Kathir b. al-Salt:1136 After the gate had been

1132. Or: "with the army." Cf. p. 190, below.

1133. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 381.

1134. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 381.

1135. See following sanad.

1136. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 381-82.

The Account of Hadramawt 187

opened and whoever was in al-Nujayr had been finished off and
after what God had bestowed on (the Muslims) as booty had
been calculated, (al-Muhajir) summoned al-Ash'ath with those
persons [he had mentioned], and called for his document. Then
he reviewed them and pardoned those who were [mentioned] in
the document;1137 but lo, al-Ash'ath was not [named] in it. At
this al-Muhajir said, "Praise be to God, who made your star to
miss,1138 oh Ash'ath, oh enemy of God! I had been wishing
that God would abase you." Then he bound him in ropes and
intended to kill him. But 'Ikrimah said to him, "Grant him a
postponement and send him to Abu Bakr, for he is more knowl¬
edgeable about judging [cases such as] this. If a man forgot to
write his [own] name but was promised good treatment by word
of mouth,1139 does (the oversight) nullify (the promise)?" To this
al-Muhajir replied, "His case is perfectly clear, but I will follow
[your] advice and show it preference."1140 He granted him a
postponement and sent him to Abu Bakr along with the captives.

So he was with them, the Muslims and the captives from his
tribe [alike] cursing him. A woman of his tribe called him "favor
of fire,"1141 a Yemenite phrase by which they call a traitor. Now
al-Mughlrah was perplexed one night because that was God's
will. So he came with the enemy [still stained] with blood and
the captives, on camels. The captives and prisoners marched
and the group reached Abu Bakr with [news of] the conquest
and with the captives and prisoners. Then (Abu Bakr) called
for al-Ash'ath, whereupon he said,1142 "Banu Wall'ah led you
astray; you would not lead them astray, [for] they do not think
enough of you [to do] that. [So] they were destroyed and destroyed
you. Aren't you afraid [to rebel, seeing] that something of the [zoii]
message of the Apostle of God had reached you? What do you

1137. Lit., "he declared them legal" \ajaza).

1138. I.e., who brought you bad luck.

1139. Lit., "he was the friend of conversation."

1140. Reading, with the text, uthiiu-ha rather than the Emendanda' s uthiru-
hu.

1 14 1. 'Urf al-nar.

1141. The text of Abu Bakr's comment is problematic, and the Cairo and
Leiden editions offer slightly different readings, neither of which is entirely
lucid.

i88

The Conquest of Arabia

think I should do with you? He replied, "I have no idea what you
are thinking; you know best what you think." (Abu Bakr) said,
"I think you should be killed." {Al-Ash'ath) replied, "I am the
one who persuaded the adversary1143 [to spare] ten [people], so
that my blood should not be licit." (Abu Bakr) said, "Did they
empower you [to do so]?" He replied, "Yes." (Abu Bakr) said,
"Then you brought them what had been entrusted to you,
whereupon they placed [their] seal upon it?" He replied, "Yes."
(Abu Bakr) said, "Peace is required after sealing of a document
only for those [named] in the document; before that, you were
only a negotiator." Then, when he feared that (Abu Bakr) would
fall upon him, (al-Ash'ath) said, "And do you reckon there
to be some good in me? Then release me and forgive my mis¬
behavior, accept my Islam and do with me as you have done
with others like me, and return my wife to me"— he had been
engaged to Umm Farwah bt. Abl Quhafah1144 when he [first]
came to the Apostle of God, whereupon (Abu Bakr) had married
him [to her], but withheld her [from him] until he should come a
second time; then the Apostle of God had died and al-Ash'ath
had done what he did, so he feared that she would not be
returned to him — "(should you do these things], you will find
me the best of the people of my land in the religion of God." So
(Abu Bakr) spared him1145 and accepted [this] from him. He
returned his wife to him, and said, "Go, and let me hear [only]
good about you," and let the people alone so that they went
away. Abu Bakr divided the fifth [of booty] among the people,
and the army distributed the four-fifths [among themselves].

Abu Ja'far said: According to Ibn Humayd — Salamah — Ibn
Ishaq — 'Abdallah b. Abi Bakr: After al-Ash'ath was brought
before Abu Bakr, he said, "What do you think I should do to
[ioiz] you? For you know what you have done." He replied, "You
should be gracious to me and release me from the irons and
marry your sister to me, for I have come back and embraced
Islam." So Abu Bakr said, "Done," and married him to Umm

1143. Qawrrii here, referring to the Muslims.

1 144. Abu Bakr's sister; cf. Ibn al-Athir, Usd, V, zo8.

1145. Lit., "relinquished to him (claim to) his blood."

Continuation of the Report of Sayf 189

Farwah bt. Abl Quhafah. (Al-Ash'ath) was in Medina until the
conquest of Iraq.

Continuation of the Report of Sayf

When1146 'Umar acceded [to the caliphate], he said, "It is dis¬
graceful that one of the Arabs should own another, God having
enriched [us] and conquered the non- Arabs." He consulted about
ransoming the captives of the Arabs from the jdhiliyyah and
Islam (except for the woman who had borne a child to her
master), and made the ransom of each person seven camels and
six camels,1147 except for Hanlfah and Kindah, on whom he
lightened [the ransom] because of the slaughter of their men, and
[except for] those who were not able [to pay] the ransom because
of their great number,1148 and the people of Daba. So their men
searched for their womenfolk in every place.1149 Then al-
Ash'ath found two women among the Banu Nahd1150 and the
Banu Ghutayf.1151 [The story of] that was that he stopped among
them, asking after "Raven" and "Eagle," so he was told, "What
do you intend with that?" He replied, "At the battle of al-
Nujayr, the eagles and ravens and wolves1152 and dogs snatched
away our women." Whereupon Banu Ghutayf said, "This is
'Raven.'" He asked, "What is his position among you?" They
replied, "Under protection."1153 He said, "Good, then," and
departed. 'Umar said, "No one shall be master of an Arab,"1154
because of that which he and the Muslims agreed upon.

1146. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, II, 381.

1147- be., six or seven camels per captive. Kos has "six young camels";
lacking in B.

1148. Reading, with Emendanda, li-fi’amihim for the text's li-qiydmihim.

1149. Although the word sabaya ("captives") can apply to captives of either
gender, the passage implies that the majority of captives were women.

1150. Nahd b. Zayd was a Quda'ah tribe with branches in Syria and Yemen.
Cf. Caskel, II, 443.

1 15 1. Ghutayf b. 'Abdallah was a prominent clan of Murad. Cf. Caskel, II,
*75-

1151. Manuscript C: flies.

1153. Fi al-fiyanah, lit., "in keeping."

1154. La mulka ' ala 'arabiyyin-, here the word 'arab seems to mean not
"nomad," but rather something like "speaker of Arabic."

190

The Conquest of Arabia

They1155 said: Al-Muhajir looked into the case of the woman
whose father, al-Nu'man b. al-Jawn, had offered her to the
Apostle of God, whereupon he described her as having never
been ill.1156 But (the Prophet) returned her, saying, "We have no
[2013) need of her," after he had seated her in front of him; he said,
"If she had any merit with God, she would have become ill."
Then al-Muhajir said to 'Ikrimah, "When did you marry her?"
He said, "While I was in Aden; she was given to me in al-
Janad,1157 whereupon I traveled with her to Ma’rib. Then I
brought her to the army,1158 whereupon some of them said,
"Leave her! For she is not fit to be desired." Others said, "Don't
leave her!" So al-Muhajir wrote to Abu Bakr asking him about
that, whereupon Abu Bakr wrote back to him, "Her father,
al-Nu'man b. al-Jawn, came to the Apostle of God, having
beautified her for him, so that (the Apostle) ordered him to bring
her to him. After he had brought her to him, he said, 'I give you
in addition (the good news) that she has never suffered pain.'"
At this (the Apostle) said, "If she had any merit with God, she
would have become ill. He disliked her, so you should dislike
her (also)." Then he sent her away.

A number (of women) remained among Quraysh [as captives)
after 'Umar ordered the ransoming of the captives. Among
them was Bushra bt. Qays b. Abi al-Kaysam; she was with Sa'd
b. Malik,1159 to whom she bore [his son] 'Umar. [Another] was
Zur'ah bt. Mishrah, with Abdallah b. al-'Abbas,1160 to whom
she bore 'All.

Abu Bakr wrote to al-Muhajir, giving him the choice [of the
governorship] of the Yemen or Hadramawt; whereupon he chose
the Yemen. So the Yemen was under two commanders, Fayruz
and al-Muhajir. Hadramawt was [also] under two commanders,
'Ubaydah b. Sa'd over Kindah and al-Sakasik, and Ziyad b.

1155. I.e., the narrators of the account.

11 56. Lit., "she had never complained" \innahd lam tashtaki qatt]. This is
again Asma’ bt. al-Nu'man, cf. p. 185, above, and note 1131. Note that al-
Muhajir is said to have married her after the Prophet and before 'Ikrimah.

1157. Or "with the army ( al-jund )." Cf. pp. 185-86, above.

1158. Al-'askai.

1159. I.e., Sa'd b. Abi Waqqas.

1160. Cousin of the Prophet, later famed as Qur'an commentator.

Continuation of the Report of Sayf 19 1

Labid over Hadramawt. Abu Bakr wrote to the governors of the
apostasy:1161 "Now then: The dearest to me of those whom you
have brought into your cause are those who did not apostatize.

So gather together whoever did not apostatize, then garner [Z0T4]
recruits1162 from them; but grant leave to whoever [of them]
wishes to depart.1163 Do not ask aid of a (former) apostate in
fighting against an enemy."

Al-Ash'ath b. Mi’nas al-Sakuni, lamenting the people of al-
Nujayr, said:1164

By my life — and my life has not been easy to me —

I was really niggardly concerning the slain.

No wonder, except the day lots were cast among them;

after them, fate is not secure for me.

Would that the flanks of the people were under their flanks;

after them, no female walked with an embryo.

I am like the she-camel whose young one has died who, when
frightened, came up

to her dummy calf1165 as she cried out in yearning for her
young one.

According to al-Sari — Shu'ayb — Sayf — Musa b. 'Uqbah — al-
Dahhak b. Khalifah: There arrived before al-Muhajir two singing
women. One of them sang reviling the Apostle of God, so he cut
off her hand and pulled her front tooth. Then Abu Bakr wrote to
him: "I have learned what you did regarding the woman who
sang and piped with abuse of the Apostle of God. If you had not
beaten me to (punishing her), I would have ordered you to kill
her, for the punishment [for abuse] of prophets is not like [other)
punishments. So whoever does [something like) that among [1015]
those claiming to be Muslims is [actually] an apostate; or among

1161. That is, to the governors {'ummal ) placed over tribes, some of whom
had apostasized.

1162. Sana?, lit., "proteges."

1163. I.e., those who do not wish to join the army should not be required to do
so.

1164. Cf. Wathimah, 29/72, which has the same first half-line but is different
thereafter.

1165. Baww, the skin of the deceased young stuffed with grass and made
available to soothe the mother.

The Conquest of Arabia

19Z

those claiming to be at peace with the Muslims1166 is [actually)
at war [with them] and a traitor.” Abu Bakr wrote to him about
the woman who had sung satirizing the Muslims, "Now then: I
have learned that you cut off the hand of a woman because she
sang satirizing the Muslims, and that you pulled her front tooth.
If she was among those who claim [to have embraced] Islam,
then [it is} good discipline and a reprimand, and not mutila¬
tion.1167 If she was a dhimml woman, by my life that which you
forgave [by way] of polytheism is greater [than what she was
punished for]. If I had [had a chance to] precede you [to punish¬
ment] in [a cause] like this, I would have done something loath¬
some,- so undertake to be gentle and beware of mutilation among
the people, for (mutilation) is an offense and generates fear
[among the people], unless [made] in chastisement [for a crime].”

In this year1168 — I mean year 11 — Mu'adh b. Jabal left the
Yemen, and Abu Bakr appointed 'Umar b. al-Khattab judge. He
was in charge of judgeship for the entire time of [Abu Bakr's)
caliphate.

In (this year)1169 Abu Bakr put 'Attab b. Asid in charge of the
pilgrimage ceremonies, according to those upon whom 'All
b. Muhammad based his account, whose names I mentioned
beforehand in this book of mine.1170 [But] according to 'All b.
Muhammad: [Another] group said no, 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Awf
led the people on pilgrimage in the year 11, upon Abu Bakr's
ordering him to do that.

1166. Mu'ahid, a non-Muslim who has concluded a pact (' ahd ) with the
Muslims recognizing their superiority and agreeing to pay tribute. The
discussion here uses the vocabulary of, and betrays the influence of, second and
third century A h classical Islamic jurisprudence.

1167. The terms involved are adab, taqdimah, and muthlah.

1168. Cf. Ibn al-Athlr, Kamil, II, 383; Caetam, 685.

1169. Cf. Ibn al-Athlr, Kamil, II, 383.

1170. Cf. p. 38, above, for full isnad of 'All b. Muhammad al-Mada’ini.

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Pellat, Charles. Le milieu basrien et la formation de Gahiz. Paris:

Adrien-Maisonneuve, 1953.

al-Rashid, Sa'ad bin 'Abd al-'AzIz (sic). Al-Rabadhah. A Portrait of
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Rosenthal, Franz. A History of Muslim Historiography, 2nd ed. Leiden:
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Schacht, Joseph. Introduction to Islamic Law. Oxford: The Clarendon
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Index

This index includes names of all persons, groups, and places mentioned in the
text, as well as most such names mentioned in the footnotes. Entries refer to
page numbers only. An asterisk f‘) before an entry indicates individuals whose
names occur in the isnads, or chains of transmitters conveying the accounts
making up the text. The Arabic definite article al- and the abbreviations b. fibn,
“son of") and bt. ('bint, “daughter of”) have been disregarded in alphabetizing
entries.

A

Aban 84

'Aban b. Salih 39
Abanan 84

AbanI, mountains of 84
al-Abariq 160
Abbad 152, 153
Abbad al-Naji 154
al- Abbas b. 'Abd al-Muttalib 39, 45,
69

Abd, see Abbad
Abd b. al-Azwar al-Asadl 104
Abd al-Dar, clan of Quraysh 19
Abd b. al-Julanda 70
Abd b. Malik b. Hudhayfah 77
Abd Manat, section of al-Ribab 87,
90

Abd Manat b. Kinanah, clan of
Kinanah 47, 52

Abd al-Qays, tribe of 134-36, 138,

i43, IS4-56, 171

* Abd al -Rahman b. Abd al-Aziz b.

Abdallah b. 'Uthman b. Hunayf
39

Abd al-Rahman b. Abi al-'As 174
Abd al-Rahman b. Abi Bakr 1 16, 119,
123, 127

'Abd al-Rahman b. Anas al-Sulami
83

Abd al-Rahman b. Awf 15, so, 71,
192

'Abd al-Rahman b. Ka'b b. Malik
5*, 55, 73

* Abd al-Rahman b. Qays al-Sulami

83

‘Abd al-Salam b. Suwayd 64, 65
Abd Shams, clan of Quraysh 63, 69;

see also Umayyah
Abda'ah 180, 181
Abdallah, clan of Kalb 43
'Abdallah b. al-Abbas 21, 190

zoo

Index

•'Abdallah b. ’Abd al-Rahman b. Abi
Amrah al-Ansari i, 4, 8
Abdallah b. Abi Bakr b. Abi Quhafah
39

•'Abdallah b. Abi Bakr b. Amr b.

Hazm 39, 80, 8i, 188
•'Abdallah b. al-Fadl b. al- Abbas b.
Rabi'ah 120

•'Abdallah b. Fayruz al-Daylami 34
"Abdallah b. Ghatafan 41
'Abdallah b. Hadhaf 138, 144, 149
Abdallah b. Hafs b. Ghanim 121
•'Abdallah al-Laythi 47
Abdallah b. Mas'ud 46, 50
Abdallah b. Muqarrin 48, 51
'Abdallah b. al-Nawwahah 107
Abdallah b. Qays, see Abu Musa
'Abdallah b. Qays al-Jasi 79
'Abdallah b. Safwan 87
•'Abdallah Sa'Id b. Thabit b. al-Jidh'

5*v 55/ 73/ 75/ 106, 114, in
Abdallah b. Thawr b. Asghar 172,

174

"Abdallah b. 'Umar 33, 120, 122,

127

'Abhalah b. Ka'b b. Ghawth, see al-
Aswad

Abld, clan of Makhzum-Quraysh 157
Abil 27, 44
Abila 17

Abjar b. Bujayr, Abjar b. Jabir 144, 145
ablutions T42

al-Abna’, clans of Sa'd b. Zaydmanat
b. Tamim 85-87, 89, 140
al-Abna’, descendants of Persian
troops in Yemen 18, 21, 22, 24,
25, 28, 29, 53, 265-69, 172
al-Abraq 45, 51, 52, 160
'Abs, tribe of Ghatafan 41, 43, 44, 46,
47, 49, 5i, 5*, 60
*Abu Amr 14, 76
*Abu 'Amr, mawla of Ibrahim b.

Talhah 19, 21
’Abu Amr b. al-'Ala’ 106
*Abu Ayyub 14
*Abu Bakr b. 'Abdallah 39

Abu Bakr b. Kilab, clan of Kilab 78,

138

* Abu Bakr b. Muhammad al-

Khuza'I 8

Abu Bakr "al-Siddiq," first caliph
xi-xiii, xv, xix, 1, 3-5, 7-n,
13-17, 19, 2-0, 33, 38-43, 45-55,
58, 60-63, 65, 69, 71-76, 79, 80,
86, 89, 90, 98, 101-6, it4, 131,
133, 236, 138-42, »5°-57, 259,
r6o, 162-67, 172-77, 185, 187,
188, 190-92

Abu Ba?Irah al-Ansari 126,127
‘AbuDamrah 14,76
Abu al-FasIl 61, 65; see Abu Bakr "al-
Siddlq”

Abu Haf?, see 'Umar b. al-Khattab
*Abu al-Hasan al-Mada'inl, see al-
Mada’inl

Abu Hudhayfah b. 'Utbah b. Rabi'ah
105, 223, 225, 120, 121
AbuHurayrah 143
*Abu Hurayrah 114,117,118

* Abu Ishaq al-Shaybani r86
*Abu Ja'far, see al-Tabari
•AbuMa'shar 38, 39, 151
Abu Mihjan al-Thaqafi 39

‘Abu Mikhnaf xvii, xviii, 1, 8, 63-65,

83

* Abu Muhammad 34

Abu Musa al-Ash'ari 19, 20, 22, 158

* Abu al-Qasim al-Shanawi 33, 34
Abu Qatadah, see al-Harith b. Rib'i
Abu Rabi'ah, clan of Shayban-Bakr b.

Wa'il 148

‘Abu al-Sa’ib 'Ata’ b. Fulan al-
Makhzumi 175

* Abu Sa'Id 114

Abu Shajarah b. 'Abd al-'Uzza al-
Sulami 81-83
Abu Sufyan b. Harb 158
Abu al-Sumayt Harithah b. Suraqah b.

Ma'dikarib 178, r79
Abu Thawr 172; see also ’Amr b.
Ma'dikarib

Abu 'Ubaydah b. al-Jarrah 3, 7

Index

2.01

*Abu 'Ubaydah b. Muhammad b. Abi
'Ubaydah 151

Abu 'Umayr 171; see also Farwah

*Abu 'Uthman 10

*Abu Ya'qub Said b. 'Ubaydah 73,

77, 79 , 83

*Abu Zayd 39, 4°, 15 1
* Abu Zur'ah Yahya b. Abi 'Amr al-
Shaybani 34, 173
Abyan 171, 177

Abyssinia, Abyssinian ioy, 120, 161
'Adan, see Aden
al-'Adda' b. Hujr 177, 178
Aden ('Adan) 23, 167, 171, 190
adhan (first call to prayer) 31, 37, 57,
100-3, 107, 108; see also iqamah
'Adi, clan of 'Abd Manat, tribe of al-
Ribab 8j

'Adi b. Hatim 50, 60-62, 64, 65
Aelia Capitolina (Jerusalem) 97
al-Af'a, clan of 163
al- Af 'a b . al-Husayn 163
'Afif b. al-Mundhir 88, 145-48
afterlife 29, 57

al-Aghlab b- 'Amir b. Hanifah 126,

117

al-Ahalif 108
al-Ahfar 89

Ahmad, alternative name for
Muhammad the Prophet 168
al-Ahsa’ 24
al-Afisiyah 24
al-Ahtam, see 'Amr b. Sinan
'A’ishah bt. Abi Bakr, wife of the
Prophet 78
Aja‘, Mt. 61, 64, 73
al-Ajda' 170
'Ajib 174
*al-Ajlah 186
al-'Ajlan, branch of Ball 63
'Akk, tribe of 20, 22, 23, 158,

161-63, 169
al-Aknaf 60, 6 r, 68
al-'Ala’ b. al-Hadrami 54, 86, 134,
136, 139-44, 146-50
* al-'Ala' b. Ziyad 33

al-A'lab 162
Alhan b. Malik 27
'All b. ’Abdallah b. al-'Abbas 190
*'A!i b. Abilalib 3, 10, 11, 14, 39, 71,
97, 113, tJi

*'Ali b. Muhammad al-Mada’ini, see
al-Mada’ini

alms, alms tax ( $adaqah , zakat ), see
tax

'Alqamah b. 'Ulathah 75, 76
al-'Amarradah r8o, 18 1
"Amir 186
Amir, tribe of 124

Amir b. Hanifah, clan of Hanifah 126
Amir b. Rabi'ah, tribe of Amir b.
Sa'sa'ah 64

Amir b. Sa'sa'ah, tribe of xix, 42,

64, 65, 67, 70-71, 74-76, 79,
112-15, 169

Amir b. Shahr al-Hamdani 18-21,

27, 158

Amirah b. Khufaf, clan of Sulaym 79
'Amman 17

'Amr, client of Abu Bakr 164
'Amr b. 'Abd al-Aswad 146
'Amr b. 'Abd al-’Uzza 8 1
'Amr b. al-Ahtam, see 'Amr b. Sinan
'Amr b. al-'As 53, 70-72, 105, 136,
i37, 139

"Amr b. Dinar 39
'Amr b. al-Hakam 43,44
'Amr b. Hazm 19, 20, 22, 158, 159
'Amr b. Jundab, branch of "Amr b.
Tamim 171

'Amrb. Ma'dikarib 24, 159, 169-74
'Amr b. Mu'awiyah, clan of Kindah
177, 178, 180-82

* 'Amr b. Qays 1 8
"Amr b. Salamah 169
"Amr b. Shu'ayb 70, 99, 125
'Amr b. Sinan "al-Ahtam" 96, 139
'Amr b. Tamim, tribe of Tamim 50,

88, 89, 91, 92, 108, 112, 139-41,
145, 146

* 'Amrah bt. 'Abd al-Raliman 39
Anas b. Malik 118-19

zoz

Index

'Anazah b. Asad b. Rabi'ah 144, 155
al-Anbar b. Yarbu', clan of Tamim
89, 171

angels z6, 57, 66, 150
Ansb. Malik 18

Ansar ("Helpers") xi, xii, 1-7, 13, 15,
46, 57, 62, 63, 74, 99, 105, 1 16,
120, 122, 123, 126, 128, 160, 180
al-AnsI, see alAswad
al-Ansur 62, 68

Apostle of God, see Muhammad b.

Abdallah
al-Aqabah 1

Aqqah b. Hilal 88, 90, 92, 96, 106
al-Aqra' b. Abdallah 159
alAqra' b. Habis 97
Aqraba' 112, 115, 128, 129
al-'arab, see Arab

Arab, Arabs xix, xxii, 2, 4, 6, 13, 14,
27, 36, 40-42, 55, 59, 64, 71, 72,
83, 95, 102, 118, 137, 142, 150,
163, 171, 173, 189; see also
nomads
Arafah 10

Arfajah b. Harthamah al-Banqi 54,
105- 151-55

Arm, clan of Yarbu'-Tamim 101
arms, armor 2, 6, 9, 10, 16, 30, 34, 35,
37, 39, 48, 67, 79-83- i°3« io4,
117-20, 123, 125, 127-32, 137,
141, 144, 145, 156, 159, 173, 179,
186

Asad, tribe of xix, 42, 44-46, 50, 52,
63, 65, 67-69, 73-76, 78, 99
A§amm |b. Wallad b. Khuzaymah) al-
Taymi 91

Ash'ar, tribe of 20, 158, 161
al-Ash'ath b. Mi’nas al-Sakuni 191
al-Ash'ath b. Qays al-Kindi 177, 180,
182, 185-89
Ashja', tribe of 41, 42
A§im, clan of Yarbu'-Tamim 101
*'Asim b. Adi 4, 1 1
Asir 161; see also Sarat
Aslam, tribe of 8

Asma’ bt. al-Nu'man b. Abi al-Jawn
185, 190

Asma’ bt. 'Umays 39
al-Aswad al-’Ansi, "false prophet"
xix, 18, 21-38, 41, 42, 53, 158,
159, 163, 169, 170, 173, 176, 177
"Ata’ al-Khurasani 18
Atha'ith 162
'Ath'ath 162
Athr 23

"Atiyyah 14, 169
"Atiyyah b. Bilal 84
Attabb. Asid 158, 160, 164, 192
Awf b. al-Bilad b. Khalid 87
Awf b. Fulan b. Sinan 45, 51
Awf b. Ka'b, clan of Sa'd b.

Zaydmanat b. Tamim 50, 85-87,
89, 140

Aws, tribe of Medina 1, 8, 131
Aws b. Khuzaymah al-Hujaymi 91
ay at ("signs" of God), see miracles
'Ayhalah b. Ka'b b. Ghawth, see al¬
Aswad
Azad 27

al-Azd, tribe of 152,153,155, 161,
164, 171

B

Badham, Badhan 18, 20, 34
Badr, battle of 106
‘Badr b. al-Khalil 60
Bahda 85, 87, 89

Bahdalah b. Awf, clan of Sa'd-Tamim
85, 87, 89

Bahilah, tribe of 8 1
Bahra’, tribe of 17
al-Bahrayn 23, 54, 70, 134, 136-41,
147, 148, 151, 156
Bajilah, tribe of 23, 159, i6r, 164
Bakr (b. Sa'd b. DabbahJ, clan of
Dabbah 90

Bakr, clan of Sakun-Kindah 24
Bakr b. 'Abdmanat, clan of Kinanah

51

Bakr b. Wa’il, tribe of 88, 134, 137,
144, 146-49, 178
Bal-Harith, see al-Harith b. Ka’b

Index

203

Bal-Qayn, see al-Qayn
al-Baladhuri xx
al-Balansi xiv, xv, xx
Bali, tribe of 17,139
al-Balqa’ n, 17

banners, battle standards 52-54, 98,

1 r 5, 116, izi, 123, 126
al-Baqi' 80
Baqi' al-Gharqad 80
al-Bara’ b. Fulan 105
al-Bara’ b. Malik 105, 118, 119, 125
Barahut 183

Bariq, clan of al-Azd 161
Bariq, clan of Khuza’ah 54
Bashir b. Sa'd 7-ro
al-Basrah 74, 77, 78, 97, T37
al-Basus r78
Batn Falj, see Falj
bishops 163

Bishr "al-Jarud" b. al-Mu'alla, see al-
Jarud b. al-Mu'alla
Bishr "al-Salil" b. Qays 88,90,91
Bisfam b. Qays 88
blood price, blood money, blood
vengeance 49, 78, 91, 98, 102,
112-15

booty, division of booty 17, 44, 51, 59,
129, 130, 133, 145, 146, 148, 149,
152-, i54, 156, 159, 163, 184-88;
see also "fifth"

Bu'ath, battle of 8, 179
al-Budayd 182

Bujayr b. Iyas b. ’Abdallah al-Sulami,
see al-Fuja’ah

Bushra bt. Qays b. Abi al-Kaysam 190
al-Butah xvi, 53, 60, 98-100, 105,

106, 139

al-Butun (Ka’b and 'Amr clans of
Tamim) 85-87, 140
al-Buzakhah xvi, 52, 60-62, 64, 73,
74/ 76, 77, 99

C

call to prayer, see adhan, iqamah
camels 6, 16, 23, 28, 29, 32, 33, 35,

45~51/ 53, 63, 66, 78-80, 83, 84,
86, 90, 113, 115, 135, 136, 140,
142-44, 147-49, *56, 177-79,
r8i, 187, 189, 191

captives, captivity xv, xix, 17, 30, 57,
72-76, 78-80, 90-92, roz, 203,
113-17, 119, 126, 129-33, 145,

146, 148, 152, 154, 156, 174, 179,
182, 185-90

cavalry 17, 23, 32-34, 44, 46, 54, 65,
72, 73, 79, tor, ro6, 115, 127, 141,

147, 148, 155, *55, 1 S9, 166, 169,
174, 183, 184; see also horses

Christianity, Christians 14, 88, 93,
234, 163, 171; see also bishops,
church, monks
church, churches 163
clientage, clients \wala’, mawali) 115
conquests, Islamic xii, xm, 3, 17, 38,
151, 156, 189
cows 16, 28, 29
crops 108, 109

cultivated land (villages, oases,
gardens, etc.) 12,106, 108-12,
115, 116, 119, 125, 126, 129-32,
169,- see also crops, grain

D

Daba 54, 70, 153, 154, 156, 189
Dabbah b. Udd, tribe of al-Ribab 85,
87, 90,91,96, 98, i39

Dadhawayh 21, 24, 26, 28, 32, 34, 36,
158, 165-67, 172, 174
'al-Dahhak 14

'al-Dahhak b. Fayruz 25, 34, 38
*al-Dahhak b. Khalifah 10,191
*al-Dahhakb. Yarbu’ 123, 126, 132
al-Dahna’ 54, 89, 141, 147, 150
al-Dajani 90
al-Dajial, seeNahar
Damrah b. Bakr, tribe of Kinanah 40
Darim, clan of Tamim 70, 85, 89, 90,
97

Darin 138, 143, 146-48

dates hi, 1 1 2; see also palms, crops

204

Index

Daws, clan of al-Azd 153, 164
Daylam 168
al-Daylaml, see Fayruz
delegations 39, 40, 42, 45, 46, 48, 50,
69, 85- 90, 93; 96, 133. 181
deportation, see expulsion
devil, see Satan
Dhat al-Khiyam 157
dhimmah (protection] 131, 157, 163,
164, 192

DhuHusa 46, 47, 51, 159
Dhu al-Kala', Samayfa' 27, 165, 166
Dhu al-Khalasah 164
Dhu al-Khimar 26
Dhu al-Khimarayn 'Awf al-
fadhami 68
Dhu al-Marwah 17
DhuMurran, 'Umayr 27, 159, 16 j
DhuNiyaf 165

Dhu al-Qa$$ah 40, 45, 47-52, 54, 60,
62, 159

Dhu al-Qiddah 40
Dhu Yanaf, Shahr 165
Dhu Zud, Said 27, 165
DhuZulaym, Hawshab 27, 165
Dhubyan, tribe of Ghatafan 41, 43, 47,
49; SI; 5i, 6°; 78
dialects xvin, 31, 101
al-Dil, clan of 67

al-DIl b. Bakr, clan of Kinanah 40, 41,
45

Dirar b. al-Azwar al-Asadi 67, 69, 101,
104, 128

Ditch, battle of, see al-Khandaq, near
Medina

al-Diyarbakri xiv, xx
donkeys 147

Dubay'ah b. 'Ijl, clan of Bakr b.

Wall 147

al-Dubayb, clan of Judham 44
al-Dull b. Bakr, clan of Kinanah 41
al-Dul, clan of Hanifah 1 1 2
Dumah, Dumat al-Jandal 44, 98, 139

E

"Emigrants," see Muhajirun
emigration, see hijrah.

Euphrates 88

expulsion, deportation 97, 106, 163,
166, 167, 169, 185

F

al-Fadl b. al- Abbas 39
Falj 74
Fars 40

Farwah b. Musayk 19, 24, 159,

169-71, 174
fasting 93

Fatimah, daughter of the Prophet 3,

39, 113

Fatimah bt. Rabi'ah b. Badr 77
Fayd 68

Fayruz al-Daylami 21,24,26-32,
34-37, 158, 165-67, 169, 172,

190

Fazarah, tribe of xix, 40, 41, 44, 54,

62, 65-67, 78, 84

"fifth" of booty 59, 154, 156, 157, 185,
188

Fihr b. Malik, tribe of (=Quraysh| 82;

see also Quraysh
Firdim b. al-'Ujayl 157
flocks 16, 41, 77, too, 115, 127, 148,
154, 163, 182; see also camels,
cows, goats, sheep
fortresses, fortifications 94, 95,
126-32, 138, 144, 145, 1 5 1, 183
frankincense, see incense
al-Fuja’ah Iyas b. Abd Yalil 79-81
*Fulan al-Makhzumi 175

G

Gabriel 66

gardens, see cultivated land
Gerrha 137
Ghalafiqah 23
al-Ghamr 73
Ghanm, clan of 78, 87

Egypt xii, 22

Index

205

Ghanm b. 'Abdallah, clan of Ghatafan

78- 87

al-Gharur, see al-Mundhir b. al-
Nu'man

al-Gharur b. Suwayd 138, 146; see
also al-Mundhir b. al-Nu'man
Ghassan, tribe of 44
'Ghassan b. 'Abd al-Hamid 38, 151
Ghatafan, tribe of 40-42, 44-46, 54,
60, 64, 65, 67-69, 74-78, 99
al-Ghawth, clan of Tayyi’ 42, 60, 62,
68, 172

Ghaylan b. Kharashah 96
*al-Ghu$n b. al-Qasim 152
Ghutayf b. Abdullah, clan of
Murad 189
goats 16, 109, 182

governor, governorship 18-21, 24, 33,
38, 53/ 54/ 67, 113, 158-60, 165,
173- r75~ 77/ 180, 185, 190, 191;
see also tax agent
gram 109; see also crops
Gushnasp 25

H

‘Habib b. Rabi'ah al-Asadi 67
Hadas, tribe of 78
hadith xvn, 17

Hadramawt 19-25, 53, 54, 105, 153,
157/ 175-83/ 19°/ 191
Hajar 23, 137, 143, 146, iso
hajj, see pilgrimage
* al-Hajjaj 70

Hajr (al-Hajr) 54, 93/ 12-9> 132.
Hakamah b. Malik b. Hudhayfah 77
Hamalah b. Malik b. Hudhayfah 77
Hamdan 20, 27, 28, 31, 158, 170
Hammam b. Murrah, clan of Shayban
88

al-Hamqatayn 44, 53
Hamzah, uncle of the Prophet 39, 120
Hanifah, tribe of 87, 92, 93, 106, 107,
110-13, 115-21, 123, 125, 128,
i3t-33, 139, 189

Hanzalah b. Malik, tribe of Tamim

xiv, 85, 91, 97, 99, 139
haiam (sacred enclave) 108
* Haram b. 'Uthman 5 2
Hanbah b. Dhubyan 78
al-Hanth, clan of Asad 69
al-Hanth b. Fulan al-Subay'I 45, 51,

53

al-Harith b. fuhwah (Jurwah) 108
al-Harith b. Ka'b (Bal-Hanth), tribe of
163

al-Hanth b. Mu'awiyah, clan of
Kindah 180, 182
al-Harith b. Rib’I al-Ansari, Abu
Qatadah jo, 77, 101, 103
Harithah, clan of Sulaym 8 1
Harithah b. Suraqah b. Ma'dikarib, see
Abu al-Sumayt
Harrat Shawran, see Shawran
‘Harun 125, 126

‘al-Hasan b. Abi al-Hasan al-Basri 14,
234

al-Hasid 151
Hatib, war of 179
Haw’ab or al-Haw’ab 77, 78
Hawazin, tribe of 42, 54, 65, 67, 69,
75-79, 99, 158, 161
Hawdhah b. ‘All al-Hanafi 106
Hawshab Dhu Zulaym, see Dhu
Zulaym.

Hawshab b. Yazid 27

al-Hawshiyyah, see al-fushiyyah

Haysham 157

Haz 23

Hazman 110

al-Hazn 89, 99

hell, hellfire 13, 61, 114, 1 18, 135, 149
"Helpers," see An$ar
heralds 11, 142, i57, 185
Hibal, brother of Tulaybah 45, 48, 49
Hijaz 44, rn
hijrah 1, 5, 7, 14, 19, 107
Hilal, tribe of 64
hima, see reserved pasture
Hima Dari yy ah 78, 79
Himyar, tribe of 31, 53, 152, 159, 170,
172

Himyar b. Amir 3 1

20 6

Index

Hind, clan of Kindah 183
al-HIrah 137, 138
al-Hirdah 13

‘Hisham b. Muhammad, sec Ibn al-
Kalbi

‘Hisham b. 'Urwah 13, 17, 41, 60, 71,
102

horses 15, 34, 37, Sri 66, 73, 75, 82,
1x3, 130, 131, 145, 147, 149, 162,
163; see also cavalry
hostage, hostages 33, 37, 38, 6 1, 114,
178

al-Hubab b. al-Mundhir b. al-Jamuh
5-7, 10

al-Hudaybiyah 14
Hudban b. Jadhimah, branch of
Kinanah 17 r

Hudhayfah b. Mihsan al-Ghalfani 53,
62, 105, 152-55; see also
'Uyaynah

Hudhayfah b. al-Yaman, see
Hudhayfah b. Mihsan
Hudhayl, tribe of 46
al-Hudhayl b. 'Imran 88, 90, 92, 96,
106

Hujaym, clan of ’Amr-Tamim 91
Hujayr b. 'Umayr 107, 108
Hukaym b. 'Ayyash "al-A'war" al-
Kalbl 96

Humaydah b. al-Nu'man 161
Hunayn, battle of 81
al-Husayn b. 'Ali b. Abi Talib 43
al-Husayn b. Malik b. Hudhayfah 77
al-Husayn b. Niyar 87, 89
al-Husayn b. Numayr 180
al-Hutam b. Dubay'ah 134,137,138,
143-46, 149, 151
al-Hutay’ah b. Aws 47, 51

I

Iblis 57; see also Satan
*Ibn 'Abbas, see 'Abdallah b. al-
'Abbas

Ibn al-Athir xx, xxi
* Ibn Damrah 1 1

‘Ibn Humayd 65, 72, 80, 81, 83, 103,
116, 117, i2o, 126, 129, 133, 136,
i5X, 188

* Ibn Hurayrah 13 1
*Ibn Ishaq, Muhammad xvii, 39, 65,
72, 80, 81, 83, 103, 1 16, 117, 120,

1 21, 125, 126, 129, I33, I36, 151,
r88

*Ibn lurayj 39

*Ibn al-Kalbi, Hisham b. Muhammad
xviii, r, 8, 53, 62-65, 83, 104, 184
‘IbnMuhayriz 152,171
Ibn Sa'd al-Zuhri, see 'Ubaydallah b.
Sa'd

Ibn Salih 181
*Ibn Sirin 76

*Ibn 'Umar, see 'Abdallah b. 'Umar
*Ijl, tribe of 144

‘’Iknmah 21, 114, 131, 158, 172
'Ikrimah b. Abi Jahl 53, 54, 87, 105,
106, 139, 152-57, 171, 177,
182-87, 190
Uiya’ (Jerusalem) 97
Imru' al-Qays b. 'Abis al-Kmdi 181
Imru’ al-Qays b. 'Adi b. Aws 43
Imru’ al-Qays b. al-Asbagh al-
Kalbi 43

Imru’ al-Qays b. Bilad 43
Imru’ al-Qays b. Fulan 43
incense 157
infantry 147, 148
inheritance 136

iqamah (second call to prayer) 100-2,
107; see also odhan
Iran xii

Iraq 40, 44, 53, 73/ 74/ 88, 89, 97, 139,
151, 168
al-’Ird 132, 133
‘Ishaq 39

‘Ishaq b. 'Abdallah 39
'Ismah b. Ubayr 87
‘Isma'il b. Muslim 134,137
Istakhr 115
Iyad, battle of 148
Iyad, tribe of 88
'Iyad b. Bishr 1 1 8
'Iyadh, see 'Abbad

Index

zo 7

Iyas b. 'Abd Yalll, see al-Fuja’ah
Iyas b. Abdallah b. Abd Yalll b.
'Umayrah b. Khufaf, see al-
Fuja’ah

I

* Jabir n

'Jabir b. Fulan 106
'Jabir b. Yazid 38
Jadhimah, clan of Asad 68
fadilah, tribe of Tayyi’ 4Z, 60, 6z, 68
Ja’far, clan of Yarbu'-Tamim 101
Ja'far b. Abi Talib 39
"al-Jaful," see Malik b. Nuwayrah
Jahdam x86

jdhiliyyah 10, 38, 58, 68, 136, 15Z,
171, 189
Jalas 78
Jamad 180, 181

al-Janad zo, zi, Z3, 33, 158, 186, 190
Janb Z3

Jarir b. Abdallah 159, 164, 174
Jarm, tribe of Quda'ah 17, 154, 155
al-Jarud b. Ami b. Hanash b. al-
Mu'alla, see al-Jarud b. al-
Mu'alla

al-Jarud b. al-Mu’alla 134, 135, 137,

M3
Jas 78
JasI 78

Jassas b. Amr 78

al-Jawf 44, 139; see also Dumah

Jaww, al-Jaww 54, 139

Jaww Muramir 8z

Jaww Quraqir 8z

Jayfar 70, 15 z, 153

Jayrut 155, 157

Jayzan, see Jazan

Jazan (Jayzan, Jizan) Z3, 44

al-jazlrah 88, 91, 9Z, 96-98

Jerusalem (Aelia Capitolina, Iliya’) 97

Jews, Judaism 14, 178

jihad z, 65, 1Z9, 177

jinn 9, 57

Jishnas (Jushnas), see Jushaysh

al-Jiwa’ 79, 8z
Jizan, see Jazan
Jordan (al-Urdunn) 1 80
Jubaylah Huju' (or Hujum) 113
Jubayr b. Mut’im 119-zo
Judayd b- Hadir, clan of Daws-al-Azd
i53

•Judayl b. Khabbab al-Nabhani 64
judge, judgeship 163, 19Z
Judgment, Day of 1 z, Z4, 1 1 8
Judham, tribe of 44
Juhaynah, tribe of 17
al-Julanda b. al-Mustakir 70,15a
Jumah, clan of Quraysh 54
Jundab b. Sulma (or Salma) 160
Jurashah b. Malik b. Hudhayfah 77
Jurdah b. Usayyid 108
al-Jurf 11, 17

Jusham b. Awf, clan of Sa'd-Tamim
87

'Jushaysh b. al-Daylami zj, z6, 165,
166

al-Jushiyyah 66
Jushnas, see Jushaysh
Juwatha 138

'Juwaynyyah b. Asma’ 38, 39, 15 1
Juwayy b. Jurwah 108

K

Ka’b b. Rabi'ah, tribe of Amir b.

Sa'sa'ah 64, 75
Kahil [b. Asad?] 79
Kalb b. Wabarah, tribe of 17, 40, 43,
74, 96, 139

*al-Kalbi, Muhammad b. al-Sa’ib 95,

1 iz

'Kathirb. al-Salt 175, 177, 186
Khaddam [b. al-Afir b. Tamim] 85,
87, 89

Khadijah, first wife of the Prophet 19
Khalid b. al-’As b. Hisham b. al-
Mughirah 113
Khalid b. Asid 160,165
Khalid b. Fulan al-Makhzumi 1 1 3,

183

208

Index

Khalid b. Sa'id b. al-As 19, 10, zz,

53, 158, 159, 173

Khalid b. al-Walld xiv, xv, 53, 57, 58,
60-65, 71-74, 76-79, 81-83,
97-106, nz-18, no, 111, 113,
114, 116-33, x36, 139, 151, rSi
Khalil 44
Khamir 161
Khaims Mushayt 13
al-Khandaq, near Medina 61
al-Khandaq, place in Yemen 186
al-Khansa’ 81
kharaj, see tax

Kharijah b. Hisn al-Fazari 40, 4 1
Khasafah al-Taymi 146
Khasi’ 78

Khath'am, tribe of 39, 161, 161, 164
al-Khaft 137

Khawlah bt. Ja'far al-Hanaflyya 1 1 1,
113

Khawlan, tribe of 1 66
Khaybar 61, 63
Khaylil, clan of Lakhm 44
Khazraj, tribe of 1, 8, 19, 50
al-Khirrit b. Rashid 154
Khubban n, 38
"Khufaf b. Nudbah 81
‘Khufaf b. 'Umayr, see Khufaf b.
Nudbah

Khulayd b. Zufar al-Namari 1 iz
Khurashah b. Malik b. Hudhayfah 77
Khusraw Anushirwan 18; see also
Kisra

al-Khutayl b. Aws 47
Khuza'ah, tribe of 8, 54, 160
"Khuzaymah b. Shajarah al-'Uqfani
100, 103

Kilab b. Rabi'ah, tribe of 'Amir b.

Sa'sa'ah 64, 75, 138
Kinanah, tribe of 40, 45, 101, 158, 160
Kinanah b. 'Awf, branch of Kalb 96
Kmdah, tribe of xix, 19, 53, 175-77,
181-84, 189, 190
Kisra 168; see also Khusraw
Anushirwan
al-Kufah 19, 44, 97, 173

L

al-Labban 157

al-Lahazim (tribal confederation) 144,
149

Lahj, Lahji 166, 174
Lakhm, tribe of 44, 78
Lakhmid dynasty, kings of al-Hirah
137

Lam b. 'Amr, clan of Jadilah-Tayyi’

68

Laqit b. Malik al-Azdi 151-55
Lawdhan 78

La’y b. Malik b. Hudhayfah 77
Layth b. Bakr 45

Lu’ayy b. Ghalib, major branch of
Quraysh 8z; see also Quraysh
Luqman 150

M

Ma'add b. 'Adnan 158
*al-Mada’ini, Abu al-Hasan 'All b.

Muhammad 38, 40, 151, 191
Madhhij, tribe of r8, iz, 14, 18, 39,
159, 163, 170
al-Madinah, see Medina
Mafruq 148, 149
Maha 183

mahjar, see reserved pasture
Mahrah 54, 105, 139, 151-55, *57,
171

al-Mahnyyah, Banu r 1 1
Makhzum, clan of Quraysh 53, 157,
184

Makkah, see Mecca
Malham 119, 139
Malik, clan of Asad 69
Malik b. 'Awf al-Na?ri 158
Malik b. Hanzalah, tribe of Tamlm
85, 87, 89, 98

Malik b. Hudhayfah b. Badr 77
Malik b. Kinanah, clan of Kinanah
171

Index

209

Malik b. Nuwayrah, "al-Jaful" xiv, xv,
53, 85, 89-91, 98-104, 139
Malik b- Sa'd, clan of Zaydmanat-
Tamim 183
Ma'mar 147, 151
Ma'n b. Hajiz (or Hajir) 54,81
Manzur b. Zabban b. Sayyar 41
Ma’rib 20, 22, 23, 158, 177, 182, 190
al-Marr 157

marriage 24, 34, 94, 95, 104, rr3, 115,
ri9, r3 r, r33, 173, 185, 186, 190
Marthad r72

Masruq al-'Akki r6z, 163, 170!?), r72
Masruq b. Dhl al-Harb al-Hamdani al-
Arhabl 162; see also Masruq al-
'Akki

mawla, mawali, see clientage
Maymunah bt. al-Harith, wife of the
Prophet 39
Mayyah 82

Mazin b. Malik, clan of Amr b.

Tamim 89, 92

Mecca xi, 10, 24, 44, 4j, 70, 74, 77,

82, 83, 03, 120, 158, 160, 165,
t73* 177, J8o; conquest of 19, 42,
53, 75, 97, 158, 160

Medina xi-xiii, r, 7-9, rr, r4-r7, r9,
22, 24, 40-42, 4J-47, 49-54, 62,
63, 69, 73-75, 78-80, 83, 84, 86,
90, 101, 104, 106, 114, 128, 135,
138, T54, rs9, 160, 175, 179, 181,
185, 189

Mesopotamia xii
Mikhwas 180, r8i
'Minjab b. Rashid 139
miracles (signs of God, etc.) xvi, 33,
67, iro, hi, 141-43, I47, M8,
150

Mishrah 180, 181
Misma' b. Shayban 146
al-Miswar b. Amr 164
Mithqab 74
monks 16, 150, 163
mosques 46, 104

Mu'adhb. Jabal 19, 20, 22, 24, 25, 33,
34, 158, 192

Mu'awiyah, leader of Banu 'Uqayl
169

Mu'awiyah b. Abi Sufyan 97, 158
Mu’awiyah b. Anas 159
Mu'awiyah b. Fulan al-Wa’ilI 43
Mu'awiyah b. Kindah, tribe of 20,

179, 180

Mu'awiyah b. Malik b. Hudhayfah 77
Mu'awiyah b. Qays al-fanbi 23
Mu'awiyah al-'Udhri 44
'Mubashshir b. al-Fudayl ir, 121, 122
Mudar 96, 112

Mudlij b. Murrah, branch of Kinanah
45, 160, 161
al-Mufawwur 22

al-Mughirah (branch of Makhzum-
Qurayshf 184

*al-Mughirah b. al-Akhnas i7-r8
al-Mughirah b. Shu'bah 185,187
al-Muhajir b. Abi Umayyah 20,53,
105, 153, i65, 173-77, 182,
184-87, 190, 191

Muhajirun ("Emigrants") xi, xxx, 1,
3-5, 7, 11, 15, 57, 106, 115, 122,
123, 128, 160

al-Muhakkam b. al-Tufayl al-Hanafi
("Muhakkam al-Yamamah") 113,
ir6, 119, 123, 125, 126
Muhalhil b. Zayd 68
Muhammad b. Abdallah, the Prophet
xi, xii, 2-7, 11, 14, 15, 17-20, 24,
25, 27, 32-34, 38-44, 46-50,
53-56, 62, 63, 67-71, 75, 77, 85,
88, 95, 97, 106, 107, 110-12, 114,
117, 118, 124, 131, 134-37, MO,
158-61, 163-65, 168-70, 175,
176, 181, 185, 187, 190, 191
'Muhammad b. Ishaq, see Ibn Ishaq
'Muhammad b. Marzuq 83
'Muhammad b. Talhah b. Yazld b.

Rukanah 65, 72
Maharib, tribe of 156
*aI-Muhill b. Khalifah 64
'al-Mujalid b. Sa'id 41, 186
Mujja'ah b. Murarah 112-16,118,
i2o, 121, 126-33

210

Index

mules 147, 173

al-Mundhir III, king of al-Hirah 137
al-Mundhir b. al-Nu'man b. al-

Mundhir, called "al-Gharur" 137
al-Mundhir b. Saw! 70, 134, 136, 138
al-Mundhir b. Suwayd b. al-Mundhir
146

Muqa'is, clans of Tamim 85-87, 140
Murad, clan of Madhhij 23, 24, 159,
170, 189
Muramir 82
al-Murr 157
Murrah 45

Murrah, clan of Dhubyan 41, 44
'Musa 173, T74
'Musa b. al-Ghu§n 171
' Musa al-Jalyusi 152
'Musa b. 'Uqbah 17,191
al-Musabbah 156
Musayhmah b. Habib, "false

prophet" xvi, xx, 41, 42, 49, 53,
87, 91.-96, ros-27, 152
al-Musayyakh r5i
*al-Mustanir b. Yazid 25, 33, 165,
173/ 174
Mu’tah 17

Mutammim b. Nuwayrah 102, 103
al-Muthanna b. Harithah al-Shaybani
24 6

Muzaynah, tribe of 48
myrrh, see incense

N

Nabhan, branch of al-Ghawth-Tayyi’
64

Nadadun 155
*Nafi' 76
Nafud 62

Nahar "al-Rajjal" b. 'Unfuwah xx,
107, 108, no, in, 1 1 3, 114, H7/
1 1 8, 120, 123, 126
Nahd b. Zayd, tribe of 17, 189
Na'ir 79

Najabah b. Abi al-Maytha’ 79, 80
Najd 40, 41, 52, 6 1, 62, 81, 89, 139,

155/ 156

Najiyah, tribe of farm 154, 155, 171
al-Najjar, clan of Khazraj 19
Najran 18, 20, 22, 27, 33, 34, 158, 159,
163, 164, 169, 174, 176
al-Nakha' b. 'Amr, tirbe of Madhhij
39, 171, 171

al-Namir b. Qasit, tribe of Rabi'ah 88,
149

al-Naq' 74
Nashirah 92

Na$r b. Mu'awiyah, clan of Hawazin
158

Nasr b. Qu'ayn, clan of 73
al-Nawar, wife of Tulayhah 66
Nawfal, clan of Quraysh 19, 120
Nawfal b. Mu'awiyah al-Dili 40,41
al-Nibaj 49, 91
al-Niba)an 49
Nimr b. furwah 108
Nizar 96

nomads, bedouins xix, xxii, 42, 59, 70,
85, 92, 106, 109, 11 6, 118, 134,

137/ 155/ [58/ r73/ i89/ see also
Arab, people of the desert
al-Nujayr 183-87, 191
Nukhbah 79
al-Nu'man b. Bashir 7
al-Nu'man b. al-Jawn 190
al-Nu'man "Mafruq" b. 'Amr 148
al-Nu'man b. al-Mundhir, king of al-
Hirah 137, 138

al-Nu'man b. Muqarrin 48, 49, 51
Numarah b. furwah 108
Numayr, tribe of 64, 115
Numayr b. Usayyid r 1 2
al-Nuqrah 82
al-Nuwayri xxi

O

Oman, see 'Uman

P

Palestine 34, 98

Index

2. 1 1

palms 109-12, 129, 149, 168; see also
dates

paradise 13, 16, 17, 6 3
people of the desert 122, 123; see also
nomads, Arab

people of the settlements, see settled
people

Persian Gulf 137

pilgrimage [hajj, ' umrah ) 10, 18, 19,
44, 7°, 74, 192-
plague 16, 17
police ( shurtah ) 84

prayer xii, 7, 10, 24, 32-34, 39, 40, 45,
69, 93, 101-3, 142, 150, 158
prisoners, see captives
protection, see dhimmah

Q

Qahdham 55

al-Qa'qa' b. 'Amr b. Malik 75, 90, 97
al-Qa'qa' b. Ma'bad 90
al-Qar'a’ 139

*al-Qasim b. Muhammad 44, 52, 60,
99, ioj, 127, 152, 158, 171, t76
Qasfal 17
Qafif 134, 137, 138
Qatirah b. Harithah, branch of Sakun-
Kindah 184

al-Qayn (Bal-Qayn), tribe of 17, 43
Qays b. 'Abd Yaghuth al-Muradi
23-28, 30, 32, 34, 35, 53, ij8,
165-67, 169, 172, 174
Qays b. 'A$im 49, 85, 86, 90, 91, 140,

145, 147

Qays 'Aylan, tribe of 65, 74, 156
Qays b. Hubayra, see Qays b. 'Abd
Yaghuth

Qays b. Makshuh (al-Makshuh), see
Qays b. 'Abd Yaghuth
Qays b. Malik b. Hudhayfah 77
Qays b. Tha'labah, tribe of Bakr b.

Wa’il 133, 134, 137, 144-46, 149
Qirdim, see Firdim
Qirfah b. Malik b. Hudhayfah 77
Quda'ah, tribe of 17, 43, 44, 53, 54,

69, 74, 105, 139, 154, 189
Quda'i b. 'Amr 69

Qur’an 73, 81, 96, 107, 115-17, 121,
136, 148, 158
Quraqir 82

Quraysh, tribe of 1, 3, 7, 8, 15, 41, 46,
63, 68, 70, 71, 82, 86, 93, 105, 133,
141, 156, 158, 160, 161, 173, 190
Quraysh al-Bitah 82
al-Qurayyah 132, 133
Qurayzah, tribe of 83
al-Qurdudah 68

Qurrah b. Hubayrah b. Salamah b.

Qushayr 70-72, 75-77, 79
Qurran 139

Qushayr, tribe of Ka'b b. Rabi'ah 70,
75

R

al-Rabadhah 40, 41, 45, 46, 51, 52
Rabi'ah b. Bujayr al-Taghlibi 151, 152
Rabi'ah b. Fulan b. Badr 77
Rabi'ah al-Hadrami 183
Rabi'ah b. Nizar 87, 96, 112, 136, 137
al-Rahhal b. 'Unfuwah 107, 117, 118;
see also Nahar

al-Rahman 109, hi, 112, 138
raiding, raids n, 15, 17, 44, 46, 48, 75,
79, 89, 90, 92, 100-3, io9, 212,
115, i33, i75
al-Rajjal, see Nahar
Ramlah 24

ransom 47, 57, 189, 190
Rasib, tribe of Jarm 155
al-Razm, day of 170
recruitment 59, 61, 62, 164, 191
reserved pasture ( mahjai , hima ) 51,
180-83

retaliation, see blood price
al-Ribab confederation 85-87, 89-91,
96, 139-41, 146
Rijam 153
Rima' 20, 158
ritual purity 142
al-Riyad 177-79

ZIZ

Index

Riyad al-Rawdah (Riyadat al-Rawdah)
156, 177

Riyah, clan of Yarbu'-Tamim 95

S

*al-Sa'b b. 'Atiyyah b. Bilal 84, 98,

139

Sababijah 137
al-Sabarat 157
Sabrah b. 'Amr 85, 87, 89
sacred enclave, see haram
Sa'd b. Abl Waqqas 50, 71, 190
Sa'd Allah, clan of Bali 139
Sa'd al-'Ashirah, tribe of Madhhij
170

Sa'd Hudhaym b. Zayd, tribe of 1 7,

43, i39, 1 55, 171

Sa'd b. Malik, see Sa'd b. Abl Waqqas
‘Sa'd b. Mujahid 63, 64
Sa'd b. 'Ubadah 1-3, 8-11
Sa'd b. Zayd, see Sa’d b. Zaydmanat,
Sa’d Hudhaym

Sa'd b. Zaydmanat, tribe of Tamim
50, 8 5 , 86, 91, 139, 141, 155, 171
sadaqah, see tax
al-Sadif 54
Safar 92

Safwan b. Safwan 50, 85-87
Sahid, see Sayhad

*Sahl b. Yusuf 10, 18, 21, 38, 44, 52,
60, 73, 75, 77, 79, 83, 99, 105, 122,
127, 128, 130, 152, 158, 171,
175-77

Sahm, clan of Quraysh 53
Sahm b. Jurwah 108
‘Sahm b. Minjab 84, 139
al-Sa'ib 157

‘Said b. Abi Burdah 186
Sa'id b. al-'Aqib Dhu Zud, see Dhu
Zud

Sa'id b. al-'As the Elder 173
Sa’id b. al-'As the Younger 173
Sa'idah b. Ka'b, clan of Khazraj 1, 3
Sajah bt. al-Harith b. Suwayd 84,
87-98, 106

al-Sakasik, tribe of Kindah 19, 20, 22,
175, 181-83, 190

al-Sakun, tribe of Kindah 19, 20, 22,

24, 25, 175, 176, 178-81, 183, 184
‘Salamah 65, 72, 80, 81, 83, 103, 116,
117, 120, 126, 129, 133, 136, 151,
158

Salamah, brother of Tulayhah 63, 73
Salamah b. Salamah b. Waqsh 1 3 1
Salamah b. 'Umayr al-Hanafl 130-32
salat, see prayer
Salih, tribe of 17

al-Salil b. Qays, see Bishr "al-Salil"
al-Salllah 41

Salim, mawla of Abu Hudhayfah 115,
121

‘Salim b. 'Abdallah 121,122
Salimah, clan of Ansar 103
Salif b. Amr b. 'Abd Shams al-
Amirl 106

Salma, Mt. 44, 49, 60, 64, 68
Salma bt. Rabi’ah b. Fulan b. Badr,
Umm Ziml 77-79, 82
*al-Salt 175

Sama'ah [b. AmrJ 90, 98
Samayfa’ b. Nakur Dhu al-Kala', see
Dhu al-Kala'

Samira’ 44, 52, 67

San'a’ 20, 22-24, 27, 29, 33 — 35/ 158,
159, 166-69, I7A i74, i75, i77
saqifah (“portico") episode (election of
Abu Bakr) xi, xii, xiv, 1 - 1 8
Sarat mountains 24, 161, 164
*al-Sari b. Yahya 11, 13, 14, 17, 18,

2i, 25, 28, 33, 34, 41, 43, 44, Si,

55, 60, 67, 70, 71, 73, 75-77, 79,
83, 84, 98, 99, 100, 102, 103,
105-7, 112, 114, 120-23, 125-27,
130-32, 139, 152, 158, 165, 169,
t7i, 173-77, ^5, 286, 191
Sanyah b. Amir 116
Sariyah b. Maslamah b. Amir 1x6
Sasanians, Sasanian dynasty 18, 40,
i53

Satan (devil, devils) 12, 26, 28, 31, 32,
34, 35, 37, 57, 58, 114, m, H4,
147; see also Iblis

Sayabijah 137

al-Sayda’, clan of Asad 67

‘Sayf b. 'Umar xiv-xix, 10, 11, 13,

14- 17, 18, 19, 11, 23, is, 33, 34,

38/ 4i, 43- 44- S^- 55- 60, 67, 70,

7i- 73- 75-77, 79- 83, 84, 94- 96-
98, 99, 100, 102, 103, 105—7, Hi,

XI4, Il6, 120-23, IiS_i7-

I3°~3i, 134, 137- 139- iJi- 158,
165, 169, 171, 173-77- 186, 189,
191

Sayhad 22, 177, 182
Sayhan b. furwah 108
Sayhan b. Suhan 154
settled people xix, 109, 122, 123, 130,
i34, i39, IS8- 170
Shabath b. Rib'I al-Riyahi 95, 96
Shahr b. Badham 18, 20-24, 27
Shahr Dhu Yanaf, see Dhu Yanaf
Shahran 162
Shakhrit 15 s- 57
Shakrat, tribe of 155
Shamam 81
Shammar, Jabal 61
Shannuq, branch of Kinanah 160
Shanu’ah 161
Shaqiq sands 44, 62
al-Sharabbah 40, 41, 46
Sharid b. Riyah, clan of Sulaym
79-81

Shank b. Malik b. Hudhayfah 77
al-Sharjah 23
Sha’ub 22

Shawran, Harrat 83, 84

Shayban b. Tha'labah, tribe of Bakr b.

Wa’il 88, X46, 148, 149, 151
Shayban b. Hujr 177, 178
sheep 14; see also flocks
al-Shihr, see Zuhur
*Shu'ayb b. Ibrahim n, 13, 14, 17,

18, 21, 25, 33- 34- 38- 41- 43- 44-
52, 60, 67, 70, 71, 73, 75-77- 79,
83, 84, 98, 99, 100, ro2, 103,
105-7, 112, 114, 120-23, iiS-i7-
130-32, r39, 152, 158, 165, 169,
I71- 173-77- 186, 191
Shurahbil b. Hasanah 54, 92, 98, 105,

106, 113, 139, 152, 153
Shurahbil b. Musaylimah 115,130,

131

Shurahbil b. al-Simt al-Kmdi 180, 181
Shurayf b. Jurwah 108
shurtah, see police
"signs” layat), see miracles
al-Simt b. al-Aswad al-Kindi 180
al-Simt b. Shurahbil b. al-Simt al-
Kindi 18 1

Sinan b. Abi Sinan b. Mihsan al-Asadi
69

Sinan al-Damri 40
Si'r b. Khufaf 87

slave, slaves 115, 119, 120, X26, 130,

131

spies 60, 73
Subay', Banu 45
Suhar 70, 153
Suhayl b. 'Amr 106
Suhaym b. Murrah, branch of Hanifah
123, 139

Sukaynah bt. al-Husayn 43
Sulaym b. Man$ur, tribe of Qays xix,
42, 54, 65, 67, 75-81, 83, hi, 159
‘Sulayman b. Yasar 120
Sumayra’ 44
Sumayrah 44
al-Sunh 61

*Suwayd b. al-Math'abah al-Riyahi
100, 103

Suwayd b. Muqarrin 48, 51, 54
Syria xii, 3, 11, 17, 22, 40, 53, 67, 73,
97, 129, 151, 159, 189

T

Tabah 44
Tabalah 164

* al-Tabari, Muhammad b. Jarir

xi-xxi, 18, 39, 40, 53, 67, 78, 80,
94, roo, 117, 134, 136, iji, 158,
161, 163, 165, 172, 175, 185, 188
Tabuk 40, 175, 180
Taghlib b. Wa’il, tribe of 88, 91, 93,
97- 149, 151- 178

Index

214

al-Tahir b. Abi Halah 19, 20, 22, 158,
i6z, 163, 17Z
tahnfk 111

al-Ta’if 23, 24, 39, 75, 158, 161, 174,
18s

'Talhah b. 'Abdallah b. 'Abd al-

Rahman b. Abi Bakr al-Siddiq 103
'Talhah b. al-A'lam 21, 67, 107, 112,
114, 120, 122, 125, 126, 131, 158
Talhah b. ’Ubaydallah 4 6, 71, 98
Tamim b. Murr, tribe of xiv, xv, xvni,
xix, 19, 49, 70, 84-91, 95 — 97,

106, 107, 109, 112—14, 139, 155
Tanukh, tribe of 17
al-Tarat 81
Tathlith, Wadi 170
tax, taxes, taxation (including

sadaqah, zakat, tribute) xii, 1 2,
19, 40-42, 45, 50-53, 69-72, 78,
81, 83, 85, 86, 90, 96-98, roo,

106, 109, 136, 140, 141, 158, 163,
170, 176-78, 180

tax agent, tax collector xiv, xix, 43,

50, 52, 53, 67, 69, 70, 81, 84-86,
97, 102, 170, 177; see also
governor

Taym, clan of Quraysh 46

Taym b. 'Abd Manat, tribe of al-Ribab

85, 87, 91

Taymallat b. Tha'labah, tribe of Bakr
144, 146!?]

Tayyi’, tribe of 42, 44, 50, 52, 60-65,
67-69, 76-78, 99, 182
Thabit b. Aqram 63, 64, 74
Thabit b. Qays b. Shammas 62, 105,
116, 118, 121, 122, 128
Tha'labah b. Sa'd, clan of Dhubyan
45, 5i

Tha'labah b. Sa'd b. Dabbah, tribe of
al-Ribab 90

Tha'labah b. Yarbu', clan of Tamim
101

Thaqif, tribe of 39, 41, 42, 158
Thawr b. 'Abd Manat b. Udd, tribe of
al-Ribab 85

Thumamah b. Aws b. Lam al-Ta’i 68

Thumamah b. Uthal al-Hanafi 87, 93,
106, 107, 139, 146, 149
Tibah 44

Tihamah 22-24, 160, 161, 173

Transjordan 44, 78

treaty, treaties 21, 58, 92, 96, 126,

129, 132, 163, 185, 192; see also
truce

tribute, see tax

truce 14, 127, 1 29-3 1; see also treaty
Tulayhah b. Khuwayhd al-Asadi xvi,
41, 42-, 45, 5i, 53, 60-63, 65-69,
73, 74

Tumadir bt. 'Amr (al-Khansa’) 81
Turayfah b. Hajiz (or Hajir) 54, 79-81
Tuwayq, fabal 169

U

Ubad 134

'Ubadah b. Qurs b. 'Ubadah b. Qurs
al-Laythi 19

'Ubayd, clan of Yarbu'-Tamlm 101
"Ubayd b. Sakhr b. Lawdhan al-
Ansari al-Salmi 18, 21, 38
'Ubayd b. Tha'labah b. Yarbu', clan
of Hanifah 116

"Ubayd b. 'Umayr 107, 112, 120,

1 22

'Ubaydah b. Sa'd 177, 190
"Ubaydallah b. 'Abdallah b. 'Utbah

65, 7i

"Ubaydallah b. Jushaysh b. al-
Daylami 25

"Ubaydallah b. Sa'd al-Zuhri 10, ri,
13, 14, 17-19, 21, 25, 28, 33, 34,
38, 41, 43, 60, 67, 134, 137
' 'Ubaydallah b. Sa'id, see
'Ubaydallah b. Sa'd
'Ubdah al-Hujaymi 92
Ubna 17

'Udhrah, tribe of 1 7
Uhud, Mt. 1 1 4, 1 1 8, 120
'Ukkashah b. Mihsan 63, 64, 74, 175
'Ukkashah b. Thawr b. Asghar al-

Index

2.15

Ghawthi 19, 20, 175, 176
'Ukl [b. 'Abd Manat|, tribe of al-Ribab
85, 86
'Ulayb 24

'Uljum al-Muharibi 157
'Uman (Oman) 17, 23, 53, 54, 70, 71,
105, 136, 137, 139, 151-55
'Umarb. al-Khattab xv, 3, 4, 6-11,
14-17/ 1 9, 53/ 70/ 7i, 74/ 83, 84,
98, ioi, 102, 104, 105, 107, H3/
122, 131, 133, 180, 189, 190, 192
'Umar b. Sa'd b. Malik 190
*'Umar b. Shabbah 38
'Umar b. Talhah al-Namarl 1 1 2
"Umarah b. Fuian al-Asadl 67
’Umayr b. Aflah Dhu Murran, see
Dhu Murran

"Umayr b. Fuian al-'Abdi 137
Umayyah, clan of Quraysh 19, 63, 69,
105, 158, 173

Umm Farwah bt. Abi Quhafah 188,
189

Umm al-Haytham no
Umm Mutammim, see Umm Tamim
Umm Qirfah 77, 78
‘Umm Salamah, wife of the Prophet
i75

Umm Tamim bt. al-Minhal 101, 102,
1 1 6- 1 8, 120

Umm Ziml, see Salma bt. Rabi'ah
'umrah, see pilgrimage
'Uqayl b. (Ka'b b.) Rabi'ah, tribe of
Amir b. §a'sa'ah 169
'Uqfan b. Suwayd, clan of
Yarbu'-Tamim 97
al-Urdunn 180
Uruk 64

"Urwah b. Ghaziyyah al-Dathmi 25,
34, 38, 165, 173

"Urwah b. al-Zubayr 39, 71, 102
Usamah b. Zayd xix, 11, 13-17, 38,
4°, 4r, 43, 50, 52, 62, 69, 159
Usayd b. Hudayr 8
Usayyid, clan of 'Amr-Tamim 107-9
'Utand b. Hapb 89, 95, 96
'Utaybah b. al-Nahhas 146

'Uthal al-Hanafi 107
'Uthman b. Abi al-'A? 158, 160,161,
164

‘Uthman b. 'Affan 71, 92, 113
'Uthman b. Rabi'ah 16 1
"Uthman b. Suwayd 100,103
Uwal 134

'Uwaym (or 'Uwaymir) b. Sa'idah 4
'Uyaynah b. Hisn al-Fazarl xvi, 53,
54, 62, 65-68, 72, 77, see also
Hudhayfah b- Mibsan
al-'Uzalah, day of 148

V

vengeance, see blood price

W

al-Wabar 134
Wabar, clan of (?) 92
W abarah ( W abrah ) 134
Wabr b. Yuljannis al-Azdi 26, 33, 34,
37, i59

Wadi Hanlfah 132
Wadi al-Qura 17
Wadi'ah al-Kalbi 43, 44, 53
Wahb, man of Dubay'ah b.'Ijl 147
Wa’il (b. Hujr al-Hadrami?] 177
Waki'b. Malik 85,89-91,98,139
Wali'ah, clan of Kindah 176, 177,

180, 187

*al-Waqidi, Muhammad b. 'Umar 39
Waridat 67

Wahshib. Harb 116, 119, 120, 125,
126

Wasit 74

Wattad (Ziyad?) b. Fuian 88, 96, 106
weapons, see arms

women 16, 24, 27, 30-31, 34, 3 6, 37,
39, 57, 66, 75, 77-79, 87-97, 104,
109-11, 113, 115-17, 120, 127,
128, 130-33, 151, 154, *56, 163,
166, 168, 185, 186-92

Index

216

Y

Yaghuth 170

Ya'la b. Umayyah 19, 20, 158
al-Yamamah xvi, 41, 42, 53, 54, 81,

92, 96, 98, 105-8, m-15, 117,
n8, ii8, 131-34; 136; 139; Mi-
146, I5I-53
Yan'ab 157

'Ya'qub [uncle of 'Ubaydallah b.

Sa'd] 11

'Ya’qub b. Ibrahim 134
'Yarbu' [father of al-Dahhak b.

Yarbu'] 123, i26(?|, 132
Yarbu', clan of Hanifah 116
Yarbu', tribe of Tamim 53, 85, 87, 89,
95, 100

Yashkur, tribe of Bakr b. Wa’il 133
Yazdagard (III), last Sasanian emperor
40

Yazid b. al-Afkal al-Azdi 23
Yazld b. Husayn al-Harithi 23
'Yazid b. 'Iyad b. (u'dubah 38, 151
Yazid b. M.h.r.m 23
Yazid (I) b. Mu'awiyah, Umayyad
caliph 180
Yazid b. Qanan 183
Yemen xix, 18-24, 31, 34, 39, 41, 41,
53, 54, IOS, 12-9, Mi, 1 5 3, 158-92
‘Yusuf (father of Sahl b. Yusuf) 177
Yusuf b. 'Umar al-Thaqafl 5 5

Z

Zafar 77, 78, 99
zakat, see tax
Zankil, clan of 24
Zarud 40, 44
'Zayd b. Aslam 43
Zayd al-Dallal 147,151
Zayd b. Harithah 17, 40, 113
Zayd b. al-Khattab 105, 113, ir8,
120-23

Zayd al-Khayl 149

Zaydmanat b. Tamim, tribe of Tamim
183

al-Zibnqan b. Badr 50, 85, 86, 95-97,
140

Ziml b. Malik b. Hudhayfah 77
Ziyad b. Dinar 184
Ziyad b. Fulan (?), see Wattad
'Ziyad b. Hanzalah al-Tamimi 49, 52
Ziyad b. Labid al-Bayadi 19-21,
175-82, 190, 191
ZIza’ 17

Zubayd, clan of Madhhij 24, 170
al-Zubayr b. al-'Awwam 10, 11, 46,

71

Zufar b. Malik b. Hudhayfah 77
Zuhrah, clan of Quraysh 15, 50, 54
'al-Zuhri, Ibn Sa'd, see Ibn Sa'd
*al-Zuhri, Muhammad b. Shihab 18,
28, 39, 47

Zuhur al-Shihr 157

Zumayl b. Qutbah al-Qayni 43, 44

Zur'ah bt. Mishrah 190

Zurarah b. 'Amr 39

al-Zurqan 182, 183

Zutt 137

Zabld 20, 158